• Author : Sangsoo Lim
• Publication : East Asian Studies
• Publisher : Sogang Institute for East Asian Studies
• Volume : 42(2)
• Date : August 2023

Abstract: Japan adopted a series of policies in 1971 that came to be known as the ‘Three Non-Nuclear Principles’, outlining that Japan will not produce, possess, or introduce nuclear weapons. The Three Non-Nuclear Principles featured an exceptionally high degree of non-proliferation commitment when compared to other states, and they have remained the backbone of Japanese nuclear policy to the present day. Then, what factors motivated Japan to adopt a set of unique non-nuclear policies such as the Three Non-Nuclear Principles in 1971? To answer this question, this paper examined the normative background of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles, with an emphasis on the norms that motivated the domestic actors in Japan at the time. The findings show that the following four distinct norms in Japan motivated the domestic actors to advocate the adoption of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles in 1971: 1) Japan’s non-nuclear norms, 2) Japan’s anti-war norms, 3) regional norms in Okinawa, 4) conservative norms in the ruling Liberal Democratic Party’s leadership.

• Author : Chiwon Choi
• Publication : Politics & Public Opinion
• Publisher : The Korean Association for Political Criticism
• Volume : 32
• Date : June 2023

Populism becomes an indicator that can track changes in the meaning of democracy, reflecting the political reality. Populism is not an irrational political phenomenon, a corrupted form of democratic politics or mobocracy. It is not an irrational political phenomenon lacking ideological values. And it is not a mirage that exists in philosophical speculation. The origin of the behavior of Korean intellectuals, scholars, journalists, and politicians misusing populism is found in the anti-communist intellectual·academic climate of the United States, which tried to defend so-called liberal democracy during the Cold War. These Korean ‘mass information purveyors’ are obscuring the essence of the problem by constantly producing information that blurs and distorts the criteria of truth and lies. The problem with scholars who uncritically accept and disseminate this information is serious. In short, a vested class of intellectuals, scholars, journalists, and politicians united around the mainstream media as core ‘mass information purveyor’ abuses populism, the best political concept and means, for the purpose of retaining its own ideological and material interests while continuing the anti-communist worldview and covering up the reproduction of socioeconomic inequality. It is necessary to strengthen the capacity of politically mature citizens to bear the weight of this irrationality.

• Author : Hyun-Jin Cha
• Publication : Korea Observer
• Publisher :  Institute of Korean Studies
• Volume : 54(2)
• Date : June 2023

Abstract: This paper aims to analyze how the traits of candlelight protest participants have changed from 2004 to 2017 in South Korea. While previous studies have typically identified these traits of the candlelight protesters based on a single survey, this paper examines the change of protest participants using a multi-level analysis. This study argues that voter type and election cycles have a significant impact on an individual’s decision to participate in candlelight protests. To be specific, swing voters are less likely to participate in a candlelight protest when the next election is scheduled either too soon or too far. Core liberal voters with a high degree of motivation are more likely to take part in a candlelight protest when the distance from the next election is close, while core conservative voters with a low degree of motivation are not affected by the distance from the next election. This study contributes on both sub-fields, voting behaviors and contentious politics, by combining individuals’ voting patterns with political opportunity structures. Survey data (2004, 2010, 2017) conducted by the Korean Political Science Association (KPSA) and the Korean Social Science Data Center (KSSDC) provide empirical support for the arguments.

• Author : Inwook Kim, Seung Joon Paik
• Publication : Korean Political Science Review
• Publisher : The Korean Political Science Association
• Volume : 57(2)
• Date : June 2023

The possibility of nuclear arms control with North Korea, which was previously deemed implausible and unacceptable, is gaining traction among analysts and policymakers. What is missing, however, is proper engagement with theories of nuclear arms control and studies about its relevance to asymmetric nuclear relationships. This paper seeks to fill this gap by first distinguishing between structural and operational arms control, elucidating their rationale, organizing principles, and expected outcomes. Second, because nuclear asymmetry defines and dominates the US-North Korea nuclear tension, structural nuclear arms control is practically impossible to design and politically too costly. On the other hand, nuclear asymmetry exacerbates crisis stability problem, and operational nuclear arms control can provide meaningful crisis management mechanisms with relatively acceptable cost.

• Author : Sunwoo Paek, Dong Sun Lee
• Publication : Diplomacy & Statecraft
• Publisher : Taylor & Francis
• Volume : 34(1)
• Date : April 2023

Abstract: This article explains the US curtailment of South Korean nuclear development by attributing this success primarily to the inducements President Ronald Reagan offered. These inducements were reliable because the US as a superpower operating under bipolarity, cared about its reputation as a trustworthy ally and was eager to provide inducements to its interest-sharing client. The inducements exposed Seoul to only a small risk of subordination, given the US’s position as a remote patron. By contrast, the sanctions Reagan’s predecessors threatened to impose were marginally effective, and could only delay Seoul’s nuclear pursuit because geographical remoteness gave them modest credibility.

• Author : Do MyoYuen, Hyun-Jin Cha
• Publication : Journal of Contemporary Politics
• Publisher : Sogang Institute of Political Studies
• Volume : 16(1)
• Date : April 2023

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of Korean protestors, with a particular focus on personal values, political ideology, and personality traits (Big 5). Specifically, the study identifies materialistic and post-materialistic values, as well as political ideology, as the major motivating factors for protest participation. Furthermore, individuals having high levels of values or liberal ideologies are more likely to participate in protests when they are extraverted or open to new experiences. Empirical results show that liberal ideology, extraversion, and openness are direct factors that influence protest participation in South Korea. However, the direct impact of materialism and post-materialism values on protest participation has not been confirmed. In addition, extraversion is found to have indirect effects on protest participation by interacting with materialistic values and conservative ideology. These findings suggest that personality traits, which have not been considered significant factors in affecting Korean protest participation thus far, can significantly influence an individual’s protest participation.

• Author : Doo-Jin Kim
• Publication :  Minjok Yeonku
• Publisher :  Korea Research Center of Ethnology
• Volume : 81
• Date : March 2023

Abstract: We explore how the concept of “civics” (kongmin) has been formulated or perceived from the period of the US military administration through the 1950s. To do this, we focus on the middle school civics textbook during that time. Civic education during the Japanese colonial period was intended to instill the ‘public’ ideology into the people. Following the introduction of American ‘social studies’, the democratic citizenship education policy under the American military administration continued to have an impact on the indoctrination of Western citizenship in Korea. Afterwards civic education has to do with the abolition of values associated with Japanese colonial rule, the elimination of the status system (feudal class) in Korea (Joseon), and the abolition of discrimination between men and woman, free economy, popular sovereignty, and labor rights. Conceptual change in civic education has tended to pave the way for a radical change in perception that allows for the introduction of Western citizenship values in Korea. The civic textbooks of the wartime education system during the Korean War reinforced the anti-communist character of civic education. After the introduction of Western democracy, the concepts of “democracy” and “republic” was likely to be understood in the same sense.

• Author : Hyun-Jin Cha
• Publication :  Journal of Korean Politics
• Publisher :  The Institute for Political Studies
• Volume : 32(1)
• Date : February 2023

Abstract: This paper aims to identify the changes of candlelight protest participants since 2004. While existing literature on candlelight protests tends to analyze the causes of candlelight protests at macro-level or the characteristics of candlelight protestors at micro-level, this paper analyzes the differences between a candlelight protest participant and a nonparticipant at micro-level while simultaneously considering the political opportunity structure. This research asserts that the police responses to protests and the Democratic advantage in Congress are the political opportunity structures that affect people to participate in the candlelight protests. The police responses to protests affect the cost to participate in the candlelight protest while the Democratic advantage in Congress impacts on the benefit from protesting. The impact of the political opportunity structure on the protest participation vary depending on the voter type. The empirical analysis shows the likelihood of core liberal voters and swing voters protesting decreased as police arrested protestors or suppressed protests. Also, the hypothesis was confirmed in that the increase of Democratic Advantage in Congress affected the likelihood of core liberal voters to protest more than it would affect the likelihood of swing voters to protest. As this paper evaluates a series of multiple candlelight protests and proposes a multilevel framework, the paper overcomes the limits of existing literature that studied candlelight protests from a single level.

• Author : Seongwon Gwon and  Iordanka Alexandrova
• Publication : The Journal of International Relations
• Publisher :  The East Asian Association Of International Studies
• Volume : 25(4)
• Date : December 2022

Abstract: Why did President Barack Obama’s administration withdraw US troops from Iraq, but not Afghanistan? This article examines Washington’s strategic considerations to answer this question of scholarly and practical importance. It argues that US policy on military interventions was aimed at preserving relative power. Washington decided on keeping US forces in Afghanistan because the benefits of continued intervention surpassed the costs. By staying, America blocked the expansion of Russian and Chinese influence in Central Asia and restrained local militant organizations, thus reducing the likelihood of terrorist activities and regional conflict. These benefits outweighed the moderate expenses for troops deployment and helped maintain US relative strength. Conversely, the US government withdrew from Iraq because the costs of continued intervention nullified the benefits. On one hand, America’s presence in Iraq caused confrontation with Iran, jeopardizing the peaceful resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue. On the other hand, it fueled international opposition against the US and consumed substantial funds, resulting in loss of clout and resources. As there were few benefits from continued deployment, Washington chose withdrawal to minimize the loss of US relative power.

• Author : Sangsoo Lim
• Publication : Journal of Social Science
• Publisher :  Research Institute of Social Science, Kyung Hee University
• Volume : 48(3)
• Date : December 2022

Abstract: Military integration has been the source of debate in Europe ever since the end of World War II, the debate intensifying due to increasing Russian threat since 2010s. However, despite increasing voice for the need to integrate militarily, there has been very little actual progress in military integration in Europe. What factors
are behind such stagnant state of European military integration? This paper argues that Stephen Walt’s balance of threat theory can contribute to explaining the puzzling phenomenon. Applying the theory to the European case, this paper shows that the Eastern and Western Europeans are likely to have different degree of threat perception towards Russia. Such difference is largely caused by two factors: 1) difference in national aggregate power, 2) different geographical proximity to the Russian threat. As a result, more highly threatened Eastern Europeans tend to distrust European military integration and prefer NATO as more certain way of balancing the Russian threat. The findings imply that it is unlikely for large-scale European military integration to take place in the near future.