• Author : Chiwon Choi
• Publisher : Journal of Parliamentary Research
• Publication : The Korea Parliamentary Research Institute
• Volume : 20(1)
• Date : June 2025

Abstract: Weber is never a homo academicus. He is a homo politicus whose facade is the homo academicus. Starting from his Vorschläge zur Reform der Verfassung des Deutschen Reiches(Proposals for Constitutional Reform of German Imperial) in the context of World War I, he reveals himself as a politician of will and passion who, with the perspective of cool reason of scholar, presents his position through public lectures, newspaper articles, and political consultations against the danger of censorship. In the context of constitutional reform and parliamentary democratization, which is the most acute political issues of the time, he develops his concept of responsibility as a quality of politicians who act with political power as a means. Through this, he tries to overcome the overall loss and helplessness of politics that are prevalent in the wartime situation and to restore the meaning and value of politics. In particular, he regards the revision or abolition of Paragraph 2 of Article 9 of the Imperial Constitution as the starting point for the formation of Germany’s political will. In other words, by placing the weight of political responsibility on the parliament, he thinks, not only politics based on strong parliamentarism will be activated, but also a strong responsible cabinet that will handle armistice negotiations with the Allied Powers will be formed. The ideas contained in his political statements were never realized, but they nevertheless became an allegory for Politics as a Vocation. Today, Politics as a Vocation has become a kind of must-read for the general public, political experts and scholars, politicians etc. However few people know that the main issues contained in this work, especially the issue of responsibility as a quality of politicians, came from the context of constitutional reform and political reform raised by him in the wartime situation.

• Author : Chiwon Choi
• Publisher : Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Sozialwissenschaften
• Publication : Koreanisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft Fuer Sozialwissenschaften(K-G Association For Social Sciences)
• Volume : 35(2)
• Date : June 2025

Abstract: During World War I, Max Weber critically expresses his political position regarding the deformity of the German nation. Its core is the constitutional and political reform. For him, the reform is a demand of the times that has to be resolved in order to achieve parliamentary democracy, the expansion of parliamentary power, and the activation of parliamentary politics. Although he is not a politician with ethics of responsibility, he accepts this demand of the times as his life’s cause more firmly than any other politician and develops his position. His political position, beginning with Vorschläge zur Reform der Verfassung des Deutschen Reiches, continues through his journalistic activities, public lectures, and the publication of booklet. He accepts the historical reality of the Reichstag not being the highest legislative power due to the structural characteristics of German politics, looks for an alternative to the Reichstag and tries to make the Bundesrat as a bridgehead for parliamentary democracy and the expansion of parliamentary power. The point is that, first, politics that unilaterally humiliates Members of the Reichstag and turns them into lower-class people must disappear, second, the path to the political responsibility must be opened for parliamentary politicians. His position on constitutional reform and political reform is sharply revealed in his criticism of the three axes of power that are ideologically and materially blocking reform. In this way, his criticism is directed: at individual politician like the Kaiser; at the far-right conservative forces (linked to big capital) as supporters of the power of the Kaiser; at the conservative bureaucracy system. His political stance not only includes criticism of the political reality of his time, but also includes the dimension of future civic or political education. The intellectual clarity he as a scholar has, serves as a weapon for critiquing political reality. Even in a wartime situation characterized by the loss of politics, his way of grasping politics (as he has always done) in the context of concrete social, economic, and historical relationships without settling for the academic world concretely demonstrates the unique properties inherent in his political thought.

• Authors : Dong Sun Lee, Sangsoo Lim
• Publication : Korean Journal of International Studies
• Publisher : The Korean Association of International Studies
• Volume : 33(1)
• Date: April 2025

Abstract: This article examines the dynamic interplay between the international system and the wars in Ukraine and Gaza, analyzing how unipolarity has shaped these conflicts and their broader impact on global structures. It argues that the United States’ liberal hegemonic strategy—driven by unipolar preponderance— exacerbated tensions, particularly through NATO’s expansion in Ukraine and unconditional support for Israel in Gaza. These policies intensified regional hostilities, prompting armed resistance from Russia and Hamas. Conversely, these wars have accelerated the decline of US-centered unipolarity, allowing China to rise as a superpower while Russia and India consolidate their positions as great powers. The article introduces “offshore leadership” as a pragmatic US strategy emphasizing maritime priorities in East Asia and strategic collaboration with allies to navigate an evolving security landscape. This approach departs from the traditional liberal hegemonic strategy by advocating realism, restraint, and a reassessment of US global commitments. The study underscores the importance of prioritizing East Asia in response to China’s rise while delegating responsibilities in other regions to local allies. It offers theoretical insights into how unipolarity fosters conflict and how wars reshape international systems, along with actionable policy recommendations for South Korea and the United States to manage emerging geopolitical challenges effectively.

• Author : Sangsoo Lim
• Publication : Journal of Asiatic Studies
• Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute
• Volume : 30(3)
• Date : December 2024

Abstract: Despite the significant impact of nationalism on interstate conflicts, many existing studies on military effectiveness, defined as a state’s ability to convert its resources into military power, have paid relatively little attention to its role in shaping military effectiveness. This paper aims to address this gap by asking the following question: what effects does nationalism have on a state’s military effectiveness? By analyzing the case of Japanese nationalism and its impact on the Russo-Japanese War, this paper argues that nationalism can enhance a state’s military effectiveness in two ways: 1) by providing a source of motivation for military personnel, 2) by contributing to logistic support through effective national mobilization of the public. The findings not only enrich the study on nationalism and state power but also provide valuable insights for South Korean decision-makers, showing how ongoing interstate conflicts around the world that may affect South Korea’s national interests could unfold and highlighting the need to work towards mitigating nationalistic sentiments in its neighboring states.