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[PDI Working Paper No.8] Humanitarian Situation in North Korea: Human Resources and Natural Disasters

Kyung Yon Moon (Assistant Professor, The School of International Studies Korean Track at Jeonbuk National University)

 

* This paper was published at Jiam Workshop #4.

 

Abstract:

In general, the main cause of North Korea’s humanitarian crisis is the decline in food production, and the biggest cause is believed to be due to the abnormal climate and natural disasters in North Korea. Such a natural disaster in North Korea must be a direct cause of the North’s food production decline. However, to understand the humanitarian situation, it is necessary to understand the various mechanisms related to food supply. In other words, it is necessary to consider various factors that affect food availability and food access rights (North Korea’s governance aspect).

This study attempted to examine whether sanctions against North Korea brought restrictions on food availability and worsened the humanitarian situation of North Koreans. To this end, by looking at the food production figures and trends in the undernourished population, it was confirmed that the nutritional insufficiency index of North Koreans, which can gauge the decline in food production and humanitarian situation, has worsened in the aftermath of the strengthened high-intensity sanctions. Based on this, how sanctions against North Korea caused food shortages in terms of food availability was examined in terms of reducing agricultural input factors caused by economic contraction, resulting in a decrease in food production, and a decrease in humanitarian activities. In addition, the effect of high-intensity sanctions was considered, which made it difficult to even rely on allies as an alternative response strategy that North Korea can take among sanctions from the international community.

[PDI Working Paper No.7] Uncertainty and Response of Korean Development Cooperation NGOs

Jun Hyup Kim(Professor, School of International Studies, Languages and Literature at Handong Global University)

 

* This paper was published at Jiam Workshop #4.

 

 

Abstract: 

Korea Development Cooperation NGOs experienced a rapid increase in the number of sponsors and an explosive financial growth in the 2000s, but their growth slowed down from the mid-2010s and showed negative growth in 2020. This can be said to be a problem for all domestic development cooperation NGOs, not only for the five domestic development cooperation NGOs mentioned in the text. While the number of individual and group sponsors sponsored by each institution is limited, development cooperation NGOs are continuously established, and the amount of fundraising that each NGO can expect is gradually limited. In addition, as several NGOs’ moral deviations occurred and the spread of COVID-19 continued until 2020 and 2021, expectations for increased sponsorship were lowered as the economic downturn was prolonged and household economic conditions worsened.

In order to respond to this uncertainty, development cooperation NGOs should be able to set and promote mid- to long-term goals for the direction of development cooperation projects. First of all, there is a way to differentiate the business direction of development cooperation NGOs and the composition of human resources within the institution from other institutions by further subdividing and specializing. This can also be an alternative to increasing operational efficiency in terms of preventing unnecessary waste of resources by NGOs. In order for the partner country of development cooperation or the community at the village level to achieve sustainable development, above all, sustainable operation should be guaranteed from development cooperation NGOs.

In the long run, domestic development cooperation NGOs need to seek a shift in perception in the form of performing development cooperation projects from a more fundamental and long-term perspective, away from the existing growth paradigm and long-term perspective. This is not only a matter limited to domestic development cooperation NGOs, but also a matter required throughout the future development cooperation field.

 

[PDI Working Paper No.6] Multilateralism and Diplomacy of the Middle States in the Age of Strategic Competition between U.S. and China

Jae Woo Choo (Professor of Kyung Hee University, Director of China Research Center, KRINS)

 

Abstract:

It is true that the relationship between the U.S. and China has entered the era of strategic competition due to the U.S. coercion policy against China. However, it does not mean a competition for hegemony between the two countries. This is because the U.S. punishment against China is not carried out for the purpose and reason of undermining the foundation of the existing liberal international order.

Instead, it is the result of the U.S.’s patience with China’s undermining behavior to protect and keep the existing order. In other words, from the U.S. standpoint, it leaves room for the Communist Party of China to withdraw its coercive policy if it proves its willingness to change its behavior and the sincerity of its mind.

We currently support multilateralism between the United States and China. In maintaining this position, it is necessary to keep in mind the following strategic thinking as a mid-sized country.

First, the will to protect the liberal international order is the key. Here, China should not be misled by its protest against the U.S. punitive measures in the name of ‘multilateralism’ and ‘free trade’. This is because China itself is denigrating and undermining the foundations and values of multilateralism and free trade.

Second, it respects the basic values and ideologies of true multilateralism and complies with the system established based on this. True multilateralism requires punishment for selfishly abusing it. Multilateralism, in a lexicographical sense, is a diplomatic strategy and means welcomed by middle-sized countries like us. However, we must carefully examine the existence of values pursued by multilateralism in which the U.S. and China compete. It means what the goal is and what its intentions are.

Finally, our identity should prevent the dichotomy of our society due to strategic competition between the U.S. and China. As a result, our strategic choice between the United States and China seems inevitable for some time. However, we must bear in mind the fact that our national interests are not guaranteed without the protection of our values and ideologies. This is why wise choices based on this are important.

[PDI Working Paper No.5] Cybersecurity and Multi-Partyism: Alternative Approaches to Punishment in the Cyber ​​Realm

Jun Mo Kang (Master’s student in Political Science and International Relations, Korea University)

* This paper was presented at Jiam Workshop #3.

Abstract 

With the advent of an “untact” (Konglish compound word meaning no-contact) society, cyber threats are gradually increasing, but discussions on countermeasures are still insufficient. Cyber threats differ from traditional military and security threats due to the specificity of the uncertainty in cyberspace. Because of this particularity, defense-oriented strategies are not only inefficient but also inherently incapable of changing the situation to an offensive advantage. Therefore, this study suggests that attack deterrence by monitoring and punishment, rather than defensive measures, is the solution to the cybersecurity problem. First, we will see that monitoring and punishment are impossible in a single state’s response to cyber threats and that there is a limit to countering threats with a nation-centered multilateral approach. Then, we will consider the effectiveness of a “multi-layered partyism” approach, including state and non-state actors. Through the example of the European Convention on Cybercrime, which emphasizes the role of non-state actors, we will present the conditions for multi-layered partyism to work effectively. Finally, we will suggest an approach where state actors enlist non-state actors and build together an appropriate security network, away from the existing multilateral approach.

Keywords: cybersecurity, non-state actors, deterring attacks through punishment, multi-layered partyism, public-private partnership (PPPs)

Original paper (in Korean): [PDI 워킹페이퍼 No.5] 사이버 안보와 다층적 당사자주의: 사이버 영역에서의 처벌을 위한 대안적 접근법

 

 

[PDI Working Paper No.4] US-China Strategic Competition under the Biden administration and South Korea’s response

Seo Woo Jeong (Master’s student in Political Science and International Relations, Korea University)

 

  • This paper was presented at Jiam Workshop #3.

Abstract 

Competition over technology hegemony is one of the major aspects of the strategic rivalry between the US and China. The Trump administration has defined China’s willingness to innovate in the technological field as economic aggression that threatened US economic interests and security and has tried to limit it through sanctions against China. So, how will the US-China technology strategic competition unfold under the Biden administration? In this paper, we will argue that even though there is a possibility for a short-term compromise, which we will analyze through three scenarios, a prolonged competition for technological hegemony is inevitable considering the technological gap between the US and China and the US domestic political scene. In addition, if the US global multilateral strategy is linked to the regional multilateral one, even if an agreement is reached in the short term, the overall US-China relationship will deteriorate as the competition in the technological field intensifies. South Korea should think of a strategy to minimize damage amid the prolonged US-China technological hegemony conflict by investing in the enhancement of domestic technological innovation capabilities and playing an active role in the settlement of international rules and standards related to multilateral cooperation and technological development.

 

[PDI Working Paper No.3] Digital Military and PKO: Dilemmas and Possibilities

Kyong Seok Ha (Senior Researcher, Ilmin International Relations Institute, Korea University)

 

  • This paper was presented at Jiam Workshop #3.

Abstract

Technological innovation through digitalization offers new opportunity to increase the efficiency of UN peacekeeping operations (PKO) and to establish sustainable peace. However, at the same time, this new technology also create significant risk factors that can destabilize security and threaten peace activities themselves. This study examine the possibilities and risks of digital technological innovation in the context of international peace operations, especially the UN PKO, and analyzes the use of digital technology operation by the PKO with MONUSCO’s unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

UAV use case in the DR Congo conflict illustrates the introduction of digital surveillance capabilities’ equipment and its importance to the success of operation executions. This use of digital military technology is likely to help keep troops safe in dangerous conflicts and enforce civilian protection mandates. However, the UN should fully consider the human rights-related issue and consult with the interested parties about the potential offensive use of digital data that could diverge from the humanitarian purpose. Digital technologies, such as UAV, have many positive aspects for peacekeeping but must be used with due diligence.

Original paper (in Korean):  [PDI Working Paper No. 3] Digital Military Technology and PKO: Dilemmas and Possibilities

[PDI Working Paper No.2] Building cybersecurity governance in the US and responding to ‘WannaCry’

Geon Sik Hong (Full-time Researcher at the Institute of National Interest, Chung-Ang University)

* This paper was presented at Jiam Workshop #3.

Abstract 

In May 2017, the rapid spread of the WannaCry ransomware in cyberspace terrified the world. WannaCry spread indiscriminately around the world, encrypting and rendering hundreds of thousands of computers in hospitals, schools, business, and home obsolete. In the security governance framework, the particularity of the WannaCry crisis is that its resolution was based on cooperation at the governmental, private and international levels. The US Department of Homeland Security set up an international scale partnership system with countries directly affected by cyberattacks such as the UK, Japan, and Australia. This study follows the US cybersecurity governance construction process during the WannaCry crisis resolution and analyzes the actual response to the WannaCry incident.

 

[PDI Working Paper No.1] Human Rights, Information technology and Global Standard

Jun Hyeop Kim (Research Professor, Graduate School of International Studies, Korea University)

* This paper was presented at Jiam Workshop #3.

Abstract

The concept of human rights can be classified into two categories: the political right not to be oppressed by unjust power and the economic right to have decent living standards. The development of information technology can serve as a major viable in the promotion of individual political and economic rights. The development of information technology has positively contributed to the improvement of human rights by allowing individuals to express their political opinions and improving the access to economic services. However, since the use of information technology is limited to some social classes, the development of information technology is playing a role in improving the level of human rights as an adjusting variable rather than a direct independent variable. In addition,various human rights-related issues can arise due to the development of information technology. In this paper, we will put the focus on human rights issues related to information technology at the transnational level, and examine the causes and future prospects on the matter.