A Comparative Study on the Meaning of Woman in Kant’s, Fichte’s and Hegel’s Philosophical Theory (2018.06)

Three Anger and Social Relations in ‘Peanut Rage’ Incident: Focusing on Inequality of Status-Power (2018.06)

  • Authors : Gye-Won Jo
  • Journal : Economy and Society
  • Publisher : Critical Sociological Association of Korea
  • Volume : 118
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : The purpose of this paper is to analyze the three anger in the ‘peanut rage’ incident in terms of inequality of status-power inherent in social relations. This case is an example of how emotions work in social relations in that the anger played an important role in the occurrence of incident, the disclosure of whistle-blower, and the spread of public interest. If actor of relatively high status is able to exercise their power arbitrarily to actors of relatively low status, social norms of disrespect and adaptation are created between them. While the executives of family conglomerates often reveal their control through anger, workers must adapt themselves to the executive’s emotion and endure humiliating situations. However, the anger that arises in the experience of denying the existence of oneself can lead the relative weak to an action to break the unequal emotion norms and regain their damaged dignity. The objects of anger can be a collective actors, such as company or government agency, that allow actors of relatively higher status to exercise their arbitrary power.
    Collective emotion is formed as people in similar social conditions empathize with the relative weak. The anger of the masses may be a response to the impairment of the status of an equal citizen, or an imaginary revenge for those in a vulnerable position.

Pdf Download

International Comparison between Central Bank Independence and Political Regime Type

  • Authors : Jin Seok Bae
  • Journal : Journal of International Politics
  • Publisher : Ilmin International Relations Institute
  • Volume : 23(1)
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : Does the Central Bank Independence (CBI) depend on the political regime type such as democracy and authoritarianism, or is the CBI determined by the economic situation of each country or the global economic trend regardless of the political regime type? Existing studies have their own limitations because they emphasize only the pressure of global financial reform by the Washington consensus or analyze just the political system of individual countries. This study argues that CBI is best assured when the pressure of global economic reform and the democracy of individual countries interact. For empirical analysis, this study used panel data from 182 countries from 1970 to 2012. The empirical analysis shows that, firstly, both the viewpoints of global financial reformby the Washington Consensus and of political regime type of individual countries have had significant influence. Second, as the core argument of this study, the CBI confirmed that the pressure of economic reform and the political regime work together. When the pressure of global financial reform by the Washington consensus was on the rise, it was matured democracies rather than others that still drove the development of CBI. Individual countries responded differently to the pressure of global economic reforms by their political regime type. Despite the theoretical concern that the conversion of the global financial system centered on the CBI could undermine democracy, this study shows empirical evidence that democratic influences exist as political agents in response to external environmental changes and pressures.

 

The Origins and Characteristics of Social Security Systems in Korea and Taiwan after Democratic Transition (2018.03)

  • Authors : Hyeok Yong Kwon, Eunju Chi
  • Journal : Korean Political Science Review
  • Publisher : The Korean Political Science Association
  • Volume : 52(1)
  • Publication Date : March, 2018
  • Abstract : This paper examines the characteristics of social security systems and identifies institutional origins in South Korea and Taiwan during the post-democratization period. In both Korea and Taiwan the productivist welfare system was formed during the authoritarian developmental state era. As the growth policy of their developmental states reached its limits and the market opening progressed, the inequality of the two countries began to increase rapidly. The democratic transition in 1987 expanded the demand for redistribution to protect the socially unstable and economically insecure groups and social strata. Korea and Taiwan, where the market opening and democratization have co-evolved, tried to protect the social weak by expanding the national health insurance, improving public pension system and establishing various social security systems. However, except for national health insurance and the national pension, most of the social security systems were underdeveloped, mainly due to the preferences and norms for growth-oriented economic policies formed during the developmental state period. This study explains the social security systems of both countries after democratic transition by evoking the notion of path-dependency, which focuses on the norms of growth and distribution formed during the developmental state era.

Pdf Download

Transnationality of the ‘Korean Wave’ and ‘Reverse Media Imperialism’ Thesis (2018.03)

  • Author : Doo-Jin Kim
  • Journal : The Journal of Asiatic Studies
  • Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute, Korea University
  • Volume : 61(1)
  • Publication Date : March, 2018
  • Abstract : The Korean Wave often argues for faster and stronger invasion into East Asian countries, further European countries in cultural sense. K-pop has often come to the logic that Korea has finally entered the Center. Until most recently, combined with the controversy on a more aggressive cultural imperialism, it is assumed that the Korean wave has an aspect of ‘reverse media imperialism,’ reflecting a new dichotomy of us/center and them/periphery. Some argue that the Korean Wave may be seen as a new cultural dominant at the international dimension, thus paving the way for cultural hegemony even in Europe e.g. the UK. The orthodoxy in popular music studies has supported cross-fertilization through the process of hybridization or transculturation between the global and the local. We posit that the Korean Wave is considered another type of glocalization/hybridity deriving from the dominant mode of cultural flow in advanced countries. In the light of ‘British Invasion’, the Beatles was crucial in establishing the importance of rock as a social phenomenon as unprecedented or overwhelming rather than a transient cultural force in the UK. The Beatles still tends to enjoy a canonical status as ‘zeitgeist’ consisting of British social culture as a whole, proving their durability as leaders that has served as a vehicle of British cultural imperialism. The Beatles legacy continues to endure, because the music itself has a quality of timelessness that allows it to be passed from generation to generation. while the Korean wave may be seen as a new dominating core of cultural flow even in the UK, the potentials of British imperialness on the post-Beatles should be carefully considered.

Source Link

Criteria for the Classification and Distribution of Political Power in John Locke’s Two Treatises of Government

  • Authors : Hyang Mi Oh
  • Journal : Journal of Korean Politics
  • Publisher :The Institute of Korean Political Studies Center for Social Sciences
  • Volume : 26(1)
  • Publication Date : February, 2018
  • Abstract : This article reviews John Locke’s theory of the separation of power laid out in The Second Treatise of Government. In this regard, the conclusion is reached herein that Locke fails to apply a consistent principle when it comes to the classification of powers and the distribution of such powers to political groups. Locke maintains that individual liberty and rights are secured by the separate exercise of Legislative and Executive Power, which is derived from the Legislative. In addition to the powers associated with the making and execution of laws, a Community functioning in the social state requires other powers capable of managing matters out of the rule of law so as to protect individual liberty and rights. One is the Federative Power to defend the advantage of the Commonwealth and the other is the Prerogative to secure the public good in the extraordinary state. The unavoidability of the Federative Power and the Prerogative are legitimized by the logic of the contract theory, i. e. by the defense of the advantage of the Commonwealth and the public good. To this end, Locke`s argument that these two Powers must be distributed to the Executive is at once a pragmatic and teleological one. This is because Locke asserts that the Executive and Federative Power and Prerogative are necessary to use the force of the Commonwealth. However, Locke fails to understand that, depending on whether the ordinary or extraordinary exercise of those powers is involved, the means of force can be classified as either the police power exercised by the Executive or the military power wielded by the Federative and Prerogative. To conclude, there is a lack of logical basis as far as the premise that Executive Power must be combined with Federative and Prerogative power is concerned. Having divided political power into 4 separate powers within the context of the contract theory, Locke cannot as such theoretically legitimize the distribution of powers within this contract theory. As a result, he pragmatically distributes Federative Power and the Prerogative to the historically pre-existing monarchial powers found in 17th Century England. If one also consistently applies the Lockean contract theory to the distribution of political powers, then the holder of the Executive can be separated from the holder of the Federative and the Prerogative in order to secure individual liberty and rights on the one hand and the public good and the advantage of the Commonwealth on the other.

Source link