• 저자 : Doo-Jin Kim
• 학술지명 : 국제정치연구
• 발행처 : 동아시아국제제정치학회
• 권호 : Vol.24 No.1
• 게재년월 : 2021년 03월

초록 :  탈영토화를 겨냥한 세계화의 진행이 민족주의의 희석화를 가져올 것이라는 예상과는 달리, 온라인 공간을 통해 민족주의가 증폭되는 현상이 빈번히 목격되고 있다. 특히 온라인공간의 언술(narratives)을 통해 한국-중국 간에는 영토, 역사, 사회문화 영역을 둘러싸고‘집단기억’으로 인해, 여타 국제사회와 구별되는 특이한 갈등 양상을 보이고 있다. 이러한동아시아 민족주의의 ‘재영토화’를 ‘감정레짐’(emotional regime)의 맥락에서 새롭게 규명되어야 할 필요가 있다. 그 동안 사회과학은 일반적으로 ‘반감정주의’ 편견(anti-emotioal bias) 의 시각을 취해 왔다. 감정은 ‘합리성/합리주의’로부터 벗어난 ‘변형’ 내지 ‘일탈’로 보는 이분법적 논리가 지배적이었다. 한중간의 배타적, 적대적, 및 독선적인 민족주의 정서의 표출은 그동안 예외적인 혹은 병리적인 현상으로 간주되어 왔다. 이제 ‘기억의 과잉’에 의한동아시아 민족주의- 오프라인 혹은 온라인 이든-의 정치화 현상을 비합리적 일탈로 보기 보다는 ‘감정의 합리성’의 논거에 의해 재조명되어야 할 것이다.

• 저자 : Doo-Jin Kim
• 학술지명 : Journal of Peace and Unification
• 발행처 : 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원
• 권호 : Vol.11 No.1
• 게재년월 : 2021년 02월

초록 : This study examines the controversies over the policy decision of shutting down the Kae-song Industrial Complex in 2016. Drawing on “Multiple Streams Framework” the paper analyzes the policy transition of the shutting down the Kaesong Industrial Complex through the problem stream, the policy stream, and the political stream. Here, we are focused on the “policy entrepreneur” who plays a dynamic, and active role in terms of coupling the “unexpected” stream in policy calculation. The previous argument that the decision to shut down the Kaesong Industrial Complex was a “unilateral or arbitrary decision” by President Park Geun-hye needs to be reconsidered. We argue that the policy entrepreneur (e.g., the President) paved the way to ‘unpredictable,’ ‘nonlinear,’ and ‘unexpected’ policy output.

• 저자 : Nam Kyu Kim
• 학술지명 : Journal of Conflict Resolution
• 발행처 : Sage Publications
• 권호 : 65(2-3)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 02월

초록 : Existing scholarship shows that a history of military rule increases the risk of democratic breakdown. However, scholars overlook the fact that military rule takes two distinct forms: collegial and personalist military rule. I argue that the two types of military rule provide different structural settings for post-authoritarian contexts. Collegial military rule hands over more cohesive and hierarchical militaries to their subsequent democracies than personalist military rule. These militaries remain organized, politicized, and powerful in emerging democracies, which increases the risk of military intervention and coups. I hypothesize that collegial military rule poses a greater threat to the survival of the ensuing democracies than personalist military rule. Empirical analysis reveals that democracies after collegial military rule are more likely to collapse than other democracies, including those emerging from personalist military rule. This shows that the previous finding on the detrimental effect of military rule is largely driven by collegial military rule.

• 저자 : Sung Eun Kim & Yotam Margalit
• 학술지명 : International Organization
• 발행처 : Cambridge University Press
• 권호 : First View
• 게재년월 : 2021년 1월
• 초록 : In response to President Trump instigating conflict over trade with China, the Chinese government countered by issuing tariffs on thousands of products worth over USD 110 billion in US exports. We explore whether China’s tariffs reflected a strategy to apply counterpressure by hurting political support for the president’s party. We also assess the strategy’s impact on the 2018 midterm elections and examine the mechanism underlying the resulting electoral shift. We find strong evidence that Chinese tariffs systematically targeted US goods that had production concentrated in Republican-supporting counties, particularly when located in closely contested Congressional districts. This apparent strategy was successful: targeted areas were more likely to turn against Republican candidates. Using data on campaign communications, local search patterns online, and an original national survey, we find evidence that voters residing in areas affected by the tariffs were more likely to learn about the trade war, recognize its adverse impact, and assign the Republicans responsibility for the escalating dispute. These findings demonstrate how domestic political institutions can be a source of vulnerability in interstate disputes.

• 저자 : Doo-Jin Kim
• 학술지명 : The Journal of East Asian Affairs
• 발행처 : Sage Publications
• 권호 : 33(2)
• 게재년월 : 2020년 12월

초록 : The Brexit decision tends to alter the economic and geopolitical dynamics of Europe as well as the wider global community. In East Asian economies, the Brexit decision has created a great deal of uncertainty in recent times. Significantly, Brexit will make the UK less valuable as a diplomatic and economic partner to the US. Japan has attempted to maintain as close relationships with the UK and the EU after Brexit. With the rise of China, Japan has become increasingly reluctant to participate in the process of regional integration in East Asia. Post-Brexit EU has a major stake in East Asian security as any conflict would immediately impact global economic connectedness. Given Brexit, the EU must maintain its critical engagement towards North Korea, so-called the most acute security problem in the region. As for Japan, Brexit may be considered particularly‘damaging’ as the UK has generally been seen as the gateway to Europe. China is a huge partner for the UK trade as the UK’s third-largest trading partner, after the EU and the US. China would see the UK’s role in the world diminished as a consequence of Brexit. While President Trump’s isolationist character may give rise to a more favorable China’s perceptions of the EU in an era of Brexit, China’s growing engagement with the UK and the EU will accelerate its commitment to East Asia. The geopolitical situation of this kind would intensify instability in the East Asian region.

• 저자 : 박홍규
• 학술지명 : 日本思想
• 발행처 : 한국일본사상사학회
• 권호 : 39
• 게재년월 : 2020년 12월
• 초록 : 1945년 일본의 패전과 한국의 해방 이후, 한일관계는 정치지도자의 결단에 따른 역사화해라는 정치적 행위를 통해 단계적으로 발전해왔고, 앞으로도 또 다른 역사화해를 통해 한일관계는 새로운 단계로 진입할 것이다. 첫 번째 역사화해는 1965년의 청구권협정에 의한 국교정상화였으며, 두 번째 역사화해는 1998년의 김대중-오부치 파트너십 선언이었다. 필자는 전자를 ‘한일화해 1.0’으로 후자를 ‘한일화해 2.0’으로 부르고, 앞으로 있을 세 번째 역사화해를 ‘한일화해 3.0’으로 부를 것이다. 이 글에서는 1945년 해방 이후 오늘날까지 한일 역사화해의 전개 과정을 개괄한다. 특히 단계적 전환이 이루어지는 시점에 초점을 맞추어, 각 단계의 역사화해를 지탱하는 철학적 기초를 다뤄보려고 한다. 여기서 주목할 점은 1945년에서 현재까지 한일 역사화해의 철학적 기초가 ‘책임론적 화해’였다는 것이고, 앞으로 한일화해 3.0을 실행하려는 정치지도자에게는 ‘포용론적 화해’라는 새로운 철학적 기초가 요구된다는 점이다.

• 저자 : Sung Eun Kim & Krzysztof J Pelc
• 학술지명 : International Studies Quarterly
  
• 발행처 : Oxford University Press
• 권호 : Online First
• 게재년월 : 2020년 12월

초록 : Dealing with the distributional consequences of trade liberalization has become one of the key challenges facing developed democracies. Governments have created compensation programs to ease labor market adjustment, but these resources tend to be distributed highly unevenly. What accounts for the variation? Looking at the largest trade adjustment program in existence, the US’ Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), we argue that petitions for compensation are largely driven by legislative attitudes. When legislators express negative views of TAA, individuals in their districts become less likely to petition for, and receive, compensation. This effect is especially pronounced in Republican districts. An underprovision of TAA, in turn, renders individuals more likely to demand other forms of government support, like in-kind medical benefits. We use roll-call votes, bill sponsorships, and floor speeches to measure elite attitudes, and we proxy for the demand for trade adjustment using economic shocks from Chinese import competition. In sum, we show how the individual beliefs of political elites can be self-fulfilling.

• 저자 : Yooil Bae, Yong Wook Lee
• 학술지명 : Journal of International Relations and Development
• 발행처 : Springer
• 권호 : 23(4)
• 게재년월 : 2019년 2월
• 초록 : Soft power debate has not analytically moved beyond the questions of whether soft power matters and of whether soft power can work independent of hard power since Nye’s initial formulation. Furthermore, the question of how a state selects the source(s) of its soft power remains silent in the literature. This neglect leads to the underspecification of the nature and content of a given state’s soft power policy. In this article, we fill in these gaps by recasting the conventional understanding of soft power conceptually and analytically. Conceptually, we make the case that soft power should be understood as a form of productive power for its conceptual and analytical distinction. On the basis of this reformulation, we specify an analytical framework that helps map out how a state determines the sources of its soft power. The crux of the framework is the notion of ‘dual process’ of international recognition and domestic self-identification mutually informing and reinforcing each other for the identification of a specific source of a given state’s soft power. We illustrate the analytical framework with an empirical example of South Korea’s launch and consolidation of its new ODA policy, Knowledge Sharing Program.