• Author : Shin Wha Lee
• Publication : ifs post
• Publisher : K-policy  Brief
• Volume : no.31
• Date : September, 2021

• Author : Sung Eun Kim, Joonseok Yang
• Publication : AMERICAN POLITICS RESEARCH
• Publisher : online first
• Volume : 50(3)
• Date : August, 2021

Abstract: Gasoline prices are often a heated topic during presidential election campaigns in the United States. Yet, presidents have limited control over gasoline prices. Do voters reward or punish the president for changes in gasoline prices? Why might voters blame the president for an outcome beyond direct presidential control? This study addresses these questions by testing the effects of gasoline prices on pocketbook retrospection by voters. To capture the personal economic burden of gasoline prices, we rely on average driving times to work, given the inelastic nature of gasoline consumption for commuting. The results provide evidence for pocketbook voting: constituencies with longer average driving times to work are more likely to hold the president accountable for gasoline price increases. These findings have broader implications regarding electoral accountability and rationality in voting.

• Author : Nam Kyu Kim, Jun Koga Sudduth
• Publication : Comparative Political Studies
• Publisher : SAGE Publications
• Volume : 54(9)
• Date : August, 2021

Abstract: Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing coups, because the plotters’ goals of overthrowing the entire regime and changing the group of ruling coalition are not achievable via activities within the institutions. Our empirical analysis provides strong empirical support for our expectations. Our findings highlight that the role of “democratic” institutions in deterring coups is rather limited as it only applies to less than 38% of coup attempts.

• Author : Peng, W., Kim, S.E., Purohit, P., Urpelainen, J., & Wagner,F. 
• Publication : ONE EARTH
• Publisher : Elsevier Inc.
• Volume : 4
• Date : August, 2021

Abstract: Political-feasibility concerns are at the center of real-world air-pollution policymaking. Yet, these concerns are often not represented in leading decision-support tools that have been used for assessing policies’ environmental impacts. Focusing on a wide range of clean-air policies in India, we assess their political-feasibility scores on the basis of public opinion, market, and institutional considerations and then incorporate these scores into the evaluation of environmental impacts by using an integrated assessment model (GAINS-South Asia). We demonstrate that although some policies with substantial potential to mitigate air pollution are also highly politically feasible (e.g., replacing solid fuels with cleaner fuels in households), others can be less politically feasible (e.g., banning agricultural waste burning). Because some clean-air policies co-reduce CO2 emissions and aerosols, considering varying degrees of political feasibility is particularly important in achieving air-pollution and climate objectives simultaneously because of its implications on the implementation scale and policy sequence.

• Author : Dong Joon Park
• Publication : Journal of Peace and Unification
• Publisher : Ewha Institute of Unification Studies
• Volume : 11(3)
• Date : August, 2021

Abstract: How do great powers manage their alliances with smaller states? Despite the risk of en-trapment, crises may also be perceived as opportunities to gain private information about others. Based on this logic, I argue that both status quo and revisionist powers uncertain about the system either welcome or condone belligerent behavior by their smaller allies and thus loosely manage their relationships. Certain revisionist powers also consider crises beneficial due to this dynamic, but oversee the action of their protégés more closely to prevent it from interfering with their own strategy to revise the system. In contrast, certain status quo powers most closely control their client allies to prevent entrapment. In other words, uncertainty causes great powers to wag their tails.

• Author : Jo Gye-won
• Publication : The Study of Humanities and Sciences
• Publisher : The Institute of Humanities
• Volume : 43
• Date : July, 2021

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to analyze the injustice inherent in the landlord-tenant relationship of a commercial building, one of Gap-Eul relationships, and the phenomenon of gentrification, based on the concept of domination of republican theory, and to explore ways to minimize it. The main arguments are as follows. First, the landlord dominates the tenant in the relationship of commercial building lease. The tenant is highly dependent on the landlord because of its high exit cost, and the landlord with the superior position in bargaining can exercise social power to tenant through termination of the contract and refusal of renewal, and such power is likely to be exercised arbitrarily. Second, the gentrifiers, acting with common intentions to maximize potential ground rent, dominate the current residents. Current residents must move elsewhere to break away from social relations with gentrifiers. However, they do not want to migrate, so they depend on them. Gentrifiers have the social power to drive out current residents by raising the overall real estate prices and rents in the area, and use this power to unfairly extort profits from rising local asset values. Third, the tenant’s displacement caused by gentrification occurs due to overlapping domination in the landlord-tenant relationship and the gentrifiers-current residents relationship. Therefore, it is necessary to come up with measures to minimize the domination in each relationship.

• Author : Hyun Jae Ho
• Publication : East and West Studies
• Publisher : Institute of East and West Studies
• Volume : 33(2)
• Date : June 2021

Abstract:

The purpose of this paper is to examine the problems of party competition that have emerged over a generation since democratization on focusing supply-side at the level of political parties and party systems. It is the electoral programmes that has been chosen as the material of analysis for this purpose. This paper confirmed several facts through analysis of this. Firstly, the pattern of competition between parties through the macro-level left-right (progressive-conservative) scale and the micro-level issue dimension shows its regularity over time. It appears to be a competitive structure over Korean Peninsula Peace and social welfare issues, with the Democratic Party of Korea and the Justice Party as one axis and the People Power Party and People’s Party another. Secondly, political parties have played a crucial role in easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula through the “Sunshine Policy” and on the agenda of issues such as “a tax increase on the rich” and ‘universal welfare’. The role of political parties in this process proves the validity of the supply–side(endogenous role). Thirdly, nevertheless, the overall aspect of party competition does not go as far as full-fledged left-right competition in the Western sense. This is due not only to the lack of economic issues emerging as an independent dimension of party competition, but also to the lack of the party’s realistic power to drive such issues consistently, as shown by neoliberal stance of major parties’ economic policies or factor analysis.

• Author : Lin Ji-Hoon
• Publication : The Journal of Asiatic Studies
• Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute
• Volume : 64(2)
• Date : June, 2021

Abstract: This study aims to clarify Rawls’s position on the global justice by his concept of people. In the theoretical aspect, this concept is based on the ontological foundations which have two characteristics of culture and institution. Furthermore, it has a moral structure in which peoples act according to the principle of reciprocity. In that respect, Rawls’s Law of Peoples starts at a completely different point from the traditional view of international relations among nation-states. In terms of practical aspect, the 5.18 uprising can be presented as the possible mode of this interpretation. While the Gwangju community captures the institutional and cultural characteristics of people, the martial law authorities at that time were not to be tolerated in the standards of the Law of Peoples because they belonged to the ‘outlaw state’. Then, political and moral responsibility for the major actors of the Carter administration could also be reexamined in terms of political legitimacy. Finally, when all citizens as well as public officials have the duty of civility to stop violence and human rights oppression beyond the border, Rawls’s idea of ‘Society of Reasonable Peoples’ can be reached.

• Author :  Jung Jai Kwan , Joo Hyung Min
• Publication : Problems of Post-Communism
• Publisher : Taylor & Francis
• Date : Online First

Abstract: Based on in-depth interviews with 24 former high-ranking North Korean officials, we investigate the “hidden transcripts” of North Korean ruling elites. After discussing methodical issues in the first section, we analyze the hidden transcripts of the North Korean ruling class in the second section, including their questioning of Chuch’e ideology, rampant materialism, a “revolution by mouth”, and the South Korean wave. If hidden transcripts of powerful officials contain thoughts identical to those of powerless individuals, for whose benefit are they hidden? In the third section, we revise the theory of hidden transcripts to answer this question. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for the future of North Korea.

• Author : Lin Ji-Hoon
• Publication : The Journal of Humanities
• Publisher : THE INSTITUTE OF THE HUMANITIES YEUNGNAM UNIVERSITY
• Volume : 95
• Date : June, 2021

Abstract: The purpose in this essay is to clarify that Rawls’s political philosophy has consistently developed with the constructive method as a key link. Until now, many critics have focused on various ideas, or contents, found in Rawls’s theory of justice, while their interest in methodological characteristics is relatively low. This led to a misunderstanding that tension and contradiction exist between A Theory of Justice and Rawls’s later writings. However, when we attention to the purpose of political justification, Rawls’ views of justice are able to be integrated into a coherent system, even though his emphasis has gradually shifted from Kantian constructivism to political one. Rawls’s political constructivism has a great theoretical and practical meaning in that it presents us with a powerful way to justify political power in a modern pluralistic society.