• Author : Jo Gye-won
• Publication : The Study of Humanities and Sciences
• Publisher : The Institute of Humanities
• Volume : 43
• Date : July, 2021

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to analyze the injustice inherent in the landlord-tenant relationship of a commercial building, one of Gap-Eul relationships, and the phenomenon of gentrification, based on the concept of domination of republican theory, and to explore ways to minimize it. The main arguments are as follows. First, the landlord dominates the tenant in the relationship of commercial building lease. The tenant is highly dependent on the landlord because of its high exit cost, and the landlord with the superior position in bargaining can exercise social power to tenant through termination of the contract and refusal of renewal, and such power is likely to be exercised arbitrarily. Second, the gentrifiers, acting with common intentions to maximize potential ground rent, dominate the current residents. Current residents must move elsewhere to break away from social relations with gentrifiers. However, they do not want to migrate, so they depend on them. Gentrifiers have the social power to drive out current residents by raising the overall real estate prices and rents in the area, and use this power to unfairly extort profits from rising local asset values. Third, the tenant’s displacement caused by gentrification occurs due to overlapping domination in the landlord-tenant relationship and the gentrifiers-current residents relationship. Therefore, it is necessary to come up with measures to minimize the domination in each relationship.

• Author : Hyun Jae Ho
• Publication : East and West Studies
• Publisher : Institute of East and West Studies
• Volume : 33(2)
• Date : June 2021

Abstract:

The purpose of this paper is to examine the problems of party competition that have emerged over a generation since democratization on focusing supply-side at the level of political parties and party systems. It is the electoral programmes that has been chosen as the material of analysis for this purpose. This paper confirmed several facts through analysis of this. Firstly, the pattern of competition between parties through the macro-level left-right (progressive-conservative) scale and the micro-level issue dimension shows its regularity over time. It appears to be a competitive structure over Korean Peninsula Peace and social welfare issues, with the Democratic Party of Korea and the Justice Party as one axis and the People Power Party and People’s Party another. Secondly, political parties have played a crucial role in easing tensions on the Korean Peninsula through the “Sunshine Policy” and on the agenda of issues such as “a tax increase on the rich” and ‘universal welfare’. The role of political parties in this process proves the validity of the supply–side(endogenous role). Thirdly, nevertheless, the overall aspect of party competition does not go as far as full-fledged left-right competition in the Western sense. This is due not only to the lack of economic issues emerging as an independent dimension of party competition, but also to the lack of the party’s realistic power to drive such issues consistently, as shown by neoliberal stance of major parties’ economic policies or factor analysis.

• Author : Lin Ji-Hoon
• Publication : The Journal of Asiatic Studies
• Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute
• Volume : 64(2)
• Date : June, 2021

Abstract: This study aims to clarify Rawls’s position on the global justice by his concept of people. In the theoretical aspect, this concept is based on the ontological foundations which have two characteristics of culture and institution. Furthermore, it has a moral structure in which peoples act according to the principle of reciprocity. In that respect, Rawls’s Law of Peoples starts at a completely different point from the traditional view of international relations among nation-states. In terms of practical aspect, the 5.18 uprising can be presented as the possible mode of this interpretation. While the Gwangju community captures the institutional and cultural characteristics of people, the martial law authorities at that time were not to be tolerated in the standards of the Law of Peoples because they belonged to the ‘outlaw state’. Then, political and moral responsibility for the major actors of the Carter administration could also be reexamined in terms of political legitimacy. Finally, when all citizens as well as public officials have the duty of civility to stop violence and human rights oppression beyond the border, Rawls’s idea of ‘Society of Reasonable Peoples’ can be reached.

• Author :  Jung Jai Kwan , Joo Hyung Min
• Publication : Problems of Post-Communism
• Publisher : Taylor & Francis
• Date : Online First

Abstract: Based on in-depth interviews with 24 former high-ranking North Korean officials, we investigate the “hidden transcripts” of North Korean ruling elites. After discussing methodical issues in the first section, we analyze the hidden transcripts of the North Korean ruling class in the second section, including their questioning of Chuch’e ideology, rampant materialism, a “revolution by mouth”, and the South Korean wave. If hidden transcripts of powerful officials contain thoughts identical to those of powerless individuals, for whose benefit are they hidden? In the third section, we revise the theory of hidden transcripts to answer this question. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for the future of North Korea.

• Author : Lin Ji-Hoon
• Publication : The Journal of Humanities
• Publisher : THE INSTITUTE OF THE HUMANITIES YEUNGNAM UNIVERSITY
• Volume : 95
• Date : June, 2021

Abstract: The purpose in this essay is to clarify that Rawls’s political philosophy has consistently developed with the constructive method as a key link. Until now, many critics have focused on various ideas, or contents, found in Rawls’s theory of justice, while their interest in methodological characteristics is relatively low. This led to a misunderstanding that tension and contradiction exist between A Theory of Justice and Rawls’s later writings. However, when we attention to the purpose of political justification, Rawls’ views of justice are able to be integrated into a coherent system, even though his emphasis has gradually shifted from Kantian constructivism to political one. Rawls’s political constructivism has a great theoretical and practical meaning in that it presents us with a powerful way to justify political power in a modern pluralistic society.

• Author: Shin Jae Hyeok, Park Hee Kyung
• Publication : The Southeast Asian Review
• Publisher : Korean Association of Southeast Asian Studies
• Volume : 31(2)
• Date :  May 2021

Abstract: This paper aims to explain the major issues that have arisen in Indonesia during the year 2020 and analyze their impact on Indonesia’s politics and economy. The damage situation in Indonesia, when COVID-19 hit the world, was serious, and as a result, the people’s disappointment in the Jokowi government was also great. However, President Jokowi prioritized the economy, rather than curbing the spread of the epidemic with strong quarantine measures. He strengthened control over the media, opposition parties, and the people. He also passed an omnibus bill in October to promote investment. Workers started nationwide protests and strikes against the omnibus bill that will reduce protection and benefits for the workers. Local elections were held in December, and many children of incumbent politicians were elected. President Jokowi’s son and son-in-law also won mayoral elections. Meanwhile, Indonesia suffered an economic downturn despite the Jokowi administration’s policy of prioritizing the economy. However, compared to other neighboring countries, the magnitude of economic damage was not significant. In particular, from the second half of the year, foreign direct investment increased sharply.

• Author: Lee Shin-wha  , Park Jae Jeok
• Publication : Journal of International Area Studies
• Publisher : Center for International Area Studies
• Volume : 25(2)
• Date :  April 2021

Abstract: The U.S.-China relationship is exacerbating into an all-round competition as their zero-sum “frame competition” over global hegemonic influence. Both big powers put forward multilateralism, which originally aims at pursuing the common good of the international community, not individual national interests. But in reality, they are competing against each other to bring more countries to their side. Biden’s multilateralist strategy to restore the U.S.-led liberal international order(LIO) is exclusive to countries that do not participate in the multilateral democratic alliance as it aims for anti-China solidarity with democracies. China has been actively expanding its influence in multilateral organizations through financial and human contribution, but Chinese-style multilateralism is criticized for being a rhetoric to ignore international laws and norms and forcefully carry out its national interests.
As the U.S.-China hegemony competition is getting fierce, small and medium-sized countries are in a strategic dilemma of choosing between them. ‘Minilateral’ cooperation at the regional level is also likely to turn into a venue for a clash of geopolitical competitions between the U.S. and China rather than functioning as a mechanism that supports the LIO in the Indo-Pacific region. As a result, the middle power diplomacy (despite various limitations) is drawing attention. After all, the future of the U.S.-led LIO, challenged by China’s rise, the relative decline of U.S. hegemony, and the U.S.-China strategic competition, will depend on whether the U.S. has the ability and will to continue to provide global public goods, and whether the international community, centered on middle power countries in the region, will provide support or solidarity for U.S. leadership.

• Author : Doo-Jin Kim
• Journal : The Journal of International Relations
  
• Publisher : The East Asian Association of International Studies (EAAIS)
• Volume : Vol.24 No.1
• Date : 2021. 03

Abstract : Contrary to the assumption that the progress of globalization associated with de-territorialization would normally lead to the dilution of nationalism, it is frequently observed that nationalism tends to intensify through cyberspace. In particular, combined with “collective memory” over territorial, historical, and sociocultural issues, narratives of online spaces have allowed Korea and China to show severe inter-state emotional conflicts in comparison with other international societies, e.g. the EU. The “re-territorialization” of East Asian nationalism should be properly reinterpreted within the context of the “emotional regime.” The social sciences tend to have an emotional bias. Emotional narratives were viewed as aberrations and as unfortunate deviations from a rationalistic norm. Nationalist conflicts between Korea and China, which are usually hostile and uncompromising, are regarded as exceptional or pathological. Related to an ‘excess of memory’, the politicization of East Asian nationalism through cyberspace needs to be reconsidered by the variable of ’emotional rationality’ rather than conventionally viewed as an irrational deviation.

• Author : Gyu Jeong Yee
• Journal : The Journal of Asian Studies
  
• Publisher :The Korean Association Of Asian Studies(KAAS)
• Volume : Vol.24 No.1
• Date : 2021. 02

Abstract : This study aims to analyze the current situation and effectiveness of the candidate debate, focusing on the 21st general election, and to suggest policy improvement directions. In the 21st general election, the proportional representative general election candidate discussion meeting and the public office election policy debate were held three times each, and a total of 467 meetings were held for the regional congressional members election debate held in each region. The Candidate Debate is significant in that it is a low-cost, high-efficiency campaign tool, meets the demands of the times for policy elections, and is an official election process according to the Public Official Election Act. This study suggest three things for policy improvement of the Candidate Discussion Meeting. First, it is necessary to obligate party representative level personnel to attend the public office election policy discussion meeting. Second, it is necessary to find a way to secure universal viewing rights for voters. Third, there is a need to expand opportunities for political rookies to participate in the election broadcasting debate.

• Author : Su-jin Lee , Shin-wha Lee
• Publication : Journal of American studies
• Publisher : The American Studies Association of Korea
• Volume : 52(3)
• Date : December 2020

Abstract: President-elect Joe Biden will likely build upon Obama’s ‘leading-from-behind’ Doctrine. This paper attempts to understand whether the Biden administration will succeed, given that both the Democrats and Republicans criticized Obama’s Doctrine for eroding American exceptionalism. Prior to addressing the relationship between American exceptionalism and grand strategy, this paper identifies the defining characters of American exceptionalism and introduces the concept of ‘varieties of American exceptionalism.’ Second, this paper situates Obama’s Doctrine in the debate over U.S. grand strategy and asserts that Obama’s Doctrine promotes an evolving modus vivendi of American exceptionalism. By comparing Obama’s Doctrine with Biden’s election pledges, this paper concludes that Biden’s team can learn from Obama on how to navigate new American exceptionalism in the post-American world.