Generation and Ideology Factors of Evaluation on North Korea and Security Policy (2018.06)

  • Authors : Jin Seok Bae
  • Journal : Korea and World Politics
  • Publisher : The Institute for Far Eastern Studies
  • Volume : 34(2)
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : This study presented the following three hypotheses to analyze the mechanism of generation and ideology factors in North Korea policy and security policy area. First, the assessment of North Korea and its security policy does not change simply linearly according to age. Second, the influence of ideology on North Korea and security policy varies from generation to generation. Third, depending on how the policies are combined, the conditions under which the generation and ideology can exert influence vary. Based on the results of the survey conducted in 2017, this study found the following. First, even after controlling for other factors, the generation born in the 1970s favored the engagement policy toward North Korea than their predecessor or later generations, and they were less supportive of THAAD deployment. Second, ideology influenced policy evaluation toward North Korea in the older generation, but it did not in the younger generation. Third, only ideology variable exerted influence in traditional progressive-conservative policy combinations, age variable was not effective. However, age effect was confirmed instead of ideology when the traditional progressive-conservative policy combinations were staggered. The empirical finding of this study is evidence that the politicized structure of Korea, which is ideologically polarized, is cross-cut at a gentle angle along the generation cleavage.

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A Comparative Study on the Meaning of Woman in Kant’s, Fichte’s and Hegel’s Philosophical Theory (2018.06)

Three Anger and Social Relations in ‘Peanut Rage’ Incident: Focusing on Inequality of Status-Power (2018.06)

  • Authors : Gye-Won Jo
  • Journal : Economy and Society
  • Publisher : Critical Sociological Association of Korea
  • Volume : 118
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : The purpose of this paper is to analyze the three anger in the ‘peanut rage’ incident in terms of inequality of status-power inherent in social relations. This case is an example of how emotions work in social relations in that the anger played an important role in the occurrence of incident, the disclosure of whistle-blower, and the spread of public interest. If actor of relatively high status is able to exercise their power arbitrarily to actors of relatively low status, social norms of disrespect and adaptation are created between them. While the executives of family conglomerates often reveal their control through anger, workers must adapt themselves to the executive’s emotion and endure humiliating situations. However, the anger that arises in the experience of denying the existence of oneself can lead the relative weak to an action to break the unequal emotion norms and regain their damaged dignity. The objects of anger can be a collective actors, such as company or government agency, that allow actors of relatively higher status to exercise their arbitrary power.
    Collective emotion is formed as people in similar social conditions empathize with the relative weak. The anger of the masses may be a response to the impairment of the status of an equal citizen, or an imaginary revenge for those in a vulnerable position.

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International Comparison between Central Bank Independence and Political Regime Type

  • Authors : Jin Seok Bae
  • Journal : Journal of International Politics
  • Publisher : Ilmin International Relations Institute
  • Volume : 23(1)
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : Does the Central Bank Independence (CBI) depend on the political regime type such as democracy and authoritarianism, or is the CBI determined by the economic situation of each country or the global economic trend regardless of the political regime type? Existing studies have their own limitations because they emphasize only the pressure of global financial reform by the Washington consensus or analyze just the political system of individual countries. This study argues that CBI is best assured when the pressure of global economic reform and the democracy of individual countries interact. For empirical analysis, this study used panel data from 182 countries from 1970 to 2012. The empirical analysis shows that, firstly, both the viewpoints of global financial reformby the Washington Consensus and of political regime type of individual countries have had significant influence. Second, as the core argument of this study, the CBI confirmed that the pressure of economic reform and the political regime work together. When the pressure of global financial reform by the Washington consensus was on the rise, it was matured democracies rather than others that still drove the development of CBI. Individual countries responded differently to the pressure of global economic reforms by their political regime type. Despite the theoretical concern that the conversion of the global financial system centered on the CBI could undermine democracy, this study shows empirical evidence that democratic influences exist as political agents in response to external environmental changes and pressures.