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Why Do States Adopt Truth Commissions After Transition?(2019. 04)

  • Author : Hun Joon Kim
  • Journal : Social Science Quarterly
  • Publisher : Wiley
  • Volume : 100(5)
  • Date : 2019.04

Abstract : Objectives Why do states create a truth commission after political transition? This article answers this question by testing three key theories after surveying the existing literature: transnational advocacy networks, the balance of power between old and new elites, and diffusion theory. Methods Cox proportional hazards models were used to explain the adoption of a truth commission. I used the Transitional Justice Database Project database on truth commissions in 71 countries that became democracies between 1980 and 2006. Result Strong evidence supports transnational advocacy networks and diffusion explanations. First, active domestic and international advocacy is a key factor. Second, diffusion theory is supported, as establishing a truth commission in neighboring countries is a relevant factor. Transitional countries are most sensitive to truth commissions adopted in culturally similar countries. Conclusion I found empirical evidence supporting the relevance of diffusion, domestic advocacy groups, and international actors.

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Are UN Investigations into Human Rights Violations a Viable Solution? An Assessment of UN Commissions of Inquiry(2019.04)

  • Author :  Hun Joon Kim
  • Journal : Journal of Human Rights Practice
  • Publisher : Elsevier
  • Volume : 11(1)
  • Publication Date : April 2019
  • DOI: 10.1093/jhuman/huz008

Abstract : This paper evaluates the activities of UN commissions of inquiry and asks whether investigations can be a viable solution to human rights violations. A case study of UN commissions of inquiry was used to evaluate the activities of commissions. The recent increase in UN commissions is significant as they could potentially be an alternative to the international accountability system. Specifically, there have been three achievements: (1) innovations in investigation methods; (2) international agenda setting; and (3) establishing grounds for accountability. However, there are still problems and issues with UN investigations that need to be overcome in the course of future developments. Three requirements were identified: (1) a balanced perspective; (2) reliable sources of information; and (3) more access to and cooperation from the target state.

The Cause of Japan’s China Balancing Policy in the 21st Century (2019.3)

  • Authors : Taejung Kim
  • Journal : National Security and Strategy
  • Publisher : Institute for National Security Strategy
  • Volume : 19(1)
  • Publication Date : March, 2019
  • Abstract : The rise of China was the greatest event in 20th century international politics, but the strengthening of naval power in the 21st century has dramatically changed the situation in the region. Especially for Japan, which pursues economic growth rather than security based on the natural obstacles of the sea, China’s naval forces cause Japan’s security problems, and Japan is also trying to balancing China through military expansion and alliance expansion. The existing balance of threat theory or the security dilemma can explain the arms race or unstable relationship between the two countries, but it has limitations to adequately explain the cause of the present situation. Therefore, I sought to understand the mutual relations through the grand strategy that expresses abstractly the national interests that the great powers intend to pursue. In particular, that the relationship between countries seeking the same strategy in the same region is more unstable than in other regions. After the defeat of Pacific War, Japan’s third Grand Strategy, the Yoshida Doctrine, characterized putting the issue of security and economy (Gun vs Butter) in charge of security to the United States and herself focus on economic growth. In addition, Japan is waste her times by the ‘lost decade’. Now it is pursuing the Abe Doctrine (seapower strategy). At the same time, China is pursuing its maritime strategy for the great power. Therefore, since the relationship between China and Japan is pursuing the same strategy (seapower strategy) in the same region (Asia), the relationship between the two countries is logically estimated to be not only unstable but also worse.

South Korea’s Missile Deterrence Strategy after Moon Jae-in Administration’s Missile Guideline Amendment (2019.03)

  • Authors : Jiil Kim
  • Journal : Strategic Studies
  • Publisher : Korea Research Institute for Strategy
  • Volume : 26(1)
  • Publication Date : March, 2019
  • Abstract : Since taking office, Moon Jae In’s administration has swiftly moved to amend the New Missile Guideline (NMG) between South Korea and the United States. In the past, missile agreements between the two states have been marked with considerable conflicts caused by difference in opinions. However, it took just six months of consultations regarding the NMG to reach a point of consensus. Why did the two allies conclude the NMG deal without difficulties unlike the past negotiations? The purpose of this study is to analyze the dynamics of the ROK-US alliance by looking at past cases of missile agreements. Using a case study method it reveals that ‘policy tradeoff’ played a role in the amendment of the NMG. In addition, the agreement was facilitated by the fact that North Korea’s nuclear missiles reached a stage of development which makes them capable of threatening the US mainland.

A Study on War Responsibility of the Education (2018.12)

  • Authors : Kwon Hee Lee
  • Journal : Journal of Japanese Thought
  • Publisher : Korean Association For Japanese Thought
  • Volume : 35
  • Publication Date : December, 2018
  • Abstract : The role of education in modern Japan after the promulgation of the ‘Imperial Rescript on Education’ have been to imprint the identity of the nation called ‘The Empire of Japan’ constantly on the children’s mind based on the school attendance rate of more than 90%, or through the system of government designated text books, to emphasize the absolute authority and sacrosanctity and inviolability of the emperor as the commander in chief, and to raise loyal and honest subjects to nation.

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The New Missile Guideline Amendment: A Case Study (2018.11)

  • Authors : Jiil Kim
  • Journal : National Strategy
  • Publisher : The Sejong Institute
  • Volume : 24(4)
  • Publication Date : November, 2018
  • Abstract : Since taking office, Moon Jae In’s administration has swiftly moved to amend the New Missile Guideline (NMG) between South Korea and the United States. In the past, missile agreements between the two states have been marked with considerable conflicts caused by difference in opinions. However, it took just six months of consultations regarding the NMG to reach a point of consensus. Why did the two allies conclude the NMG deal without difficulties unlike the past negotiations? The purpose of this study is to analyze the dynamics of the ROK-US alliance by looking at past cases of missile agreements. Using a case study method it reveals that ‘policy tradeoff’ played a role in the amendment of the NMG. In addition, the agreement was facilitated by the fact that North Korea’s nuclear missiles reached a stage of development which makes them capable of threatening the US mainland.

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A Study on the Birth of the Communist Manifesto (1848) (2018.09)

  • Authors : Chiwon Choi
  • Journal : Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Sozialwissenschaften
  • Publisher : K-G Association For Social Sciences
  • Volume : 28(3)
  • Publication Date : September, 2018
  • Abstract : The Communist Manifesto(1848), a social criticism and a diagnosis of social problems, aims at the realization of a new society called communism, away from the ides of a republic of freedom and equality and fraternity idealized in Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen of 1789. The whole idea of ​​Marx and Engels is linked to the cord of Communist Manifesto. This cord consists of: not a mechanical mechanism, but an idea of ​​human social relations and practice. The Manifesto shows that a new society cannot be realized through a vague social movement, but through the action of ‘politics of struggle and liberation’ and the action of ‘labor and production’, whose initiator is the workers themselves. The Manifesto is not only the product of democratic and open debates but also a representative work that shows how the theory has ‘an immediate path to practice’ and how it can ‘cross the realm of practice.’

The Political Economic Effects of Political Institutions: Focusing on Associative Effects between Form of Government and Electoral system (2018.06)

  • Authors : Sung-Woo Lee
  • Journal : Korean Political Science Review
  • Publisher : The Korean Political Science Association
  • Volume : 52(2)
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : This article aim to analyze that the associative effect of political institutions, especially form of government and electoral system, have a influence on political economic orders in a country. This article established six variables – political regime durability, political competition, political representation, economic institution’s independence, national economic living, government capability – as dependent variables. On Analyzed result, this article found that the associative effect of political institutions make some significant effects to political economic variables depending on several institutional conditions of a country. Also, this article found that political institutions make a very different effects to a society according to different levels of political economic variables. Based on results, this article argue that political elites have to consider the associative effects with electoral systems when their country need to changes of form of governments and that peoples have to look discreetly through the expectation effects of political institution’s reform.

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Generation and Ideology Factors of Evaluation on North Korea and Security Policy (2018.06)

  • Authors : Jin Seok Bae
  • Journal : Korea and World Politics
  • Publisher : The Institute for Far Eastern Studies
  • Volume : 34(2)
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract : This study presented the following three hypotheses to analyze the mechanism of generation and ideology factors in North Korea policy and security policy area. First, the assessment of North Korea and its security policy does not change simply linearly according to age. Second, the influence of ideology on North Korea and security policy varies from generation to generation. Third, depending on how the policies are combined, the conditions under which the generation and ideology can exert influence vary. Based on the results of the survey conducted in 2017, this study found the following. First, even after controlling for other factors, the generation born in the 1970s favored the engagement policy toward North Korea than their predecessor or later generations, and they were less supportive of THAAD deployment. Second, ideology influenced policy evaluation toward North Korea in the older generation, but it did not in the younger generation. Third, only ideology variable exerted influence in traditional progressive-conservative policy combinations, age variable was not effective. However, age effect was confirmed instead of ideology when the traditional progressive-conservative policy combinations were staggered. The empirical finding of this study is evidence that the politicized structure of Korea, which is ideologically polarized, is cross-cut at a gentle angle along the generation cleavage.

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Regionalism and Party System Change at the Sub-national Level: The 2016 Korean National Assembly Election (2018.06)

  • Authors : Jin Seok Bae
  • Journal : JIAS (Journal of International and Area Studies)
  • Publisher : Institute of International Affairs
  • Volume : 25(1)
  • Publication Date : June, 2018
  • Abstract :This paper analyzes regionalism in the 20th Korean National Assembly (NA) election in 2016 from a sub-national perspective. It thoroughly analyzes regionalism at both the party system level and individual level with a focus on the latter. At the party system level, overall electoral volatility and party competitiveness increased in the district of the Cholla (Southwestern) region in the 20th NA election, which resembled the 17th election in 2004. However, bloc volatility makes it difficult to confirm this assertion. Moreover, regional representation as a measure of regionalism turned out to be still a crucial factor determining individual vote shifts. More voters in the Cholla region supported the People’s Party over the Minjoo Party as their regional representatives. The main findings of this study have significant implications for Korean electoral politics in identifying the key motivation of Cholla voters in supporting Democrat-affiliated parties, as democratization has evolved alongside broader changes in the political environment.