• Author : Ji Il Kim
• Publication : STRATEGIC STUDIES
• Publisher : Korea Research Institute for Strategy
• Volume : 28(3)
• Date : November, 2021

Abstract: Why did the United States, which had restricted South Korea’s missile development for 42 years, agree to terminate the South Korea-U.S. Missile Guidelines? What kind of national psychology was at work? The purpose of this study is to analyze the political psychology across countries revealed in the missile mechanism by taking the missile agreement of the ROK-US alliance as an example. Missiles can be used as a proxy that can reveal the psychology of a country in International Relations. A missile is an object that induces a ‘fear of threat’ in an adversary and an object that induces a ‘fear of entrapment’ in an ally. In a nutshell, for Washington the ‘fear of threat’ of a North Korean nuclear missile attack on the the continental U.S. is greater than the ‘fear of entrapment’ in war by South Korea. Therefore, the U.S. has needed to strengthen South Korea’s missile capabilities and actively ended the Missile Guidelines.

• Author : Han Il Chang, Woo Chang Kang
• Publication : The Social Science Journal
• Publisher : Taylor & Francis
• Date : November, 2021

Abstract: To verify whether a common superordinate identity promotes intergroup social capital, we analyze survey data from three cross-sectional surveys conducted in South Korea one week before, two days after, and six months after the 2018 North Korea–United States summit in Singapore. A comparison of responses from the first and second surveys reveals that the summit positively changed South Korean natives’ altruism toward and trust in North Korean refugees by encouraging a sense of co-ethnicity among the natives. From an additional analysis of data from the third survey, we further find that the positive effects of the summit persisted even after six months.

• Author : Dae Keun Cho, Nam-Kook Kim
• Publication : The Journal of Contemporary European Studies
• Publisher : The Korean Society Of Contemporary European Studies
• Volume : 39(4)
• Date : November, 2021

Abstract: Increasing debate on the international role of the city means decreasing validity of international order surrounding the sovereign state. Especially, COVID19 pandemic has disclosed the limit of sovereign state and cities have rise as supplement to or replacement for the sovereign state. This paper aims to suggest the role of Seoul after the COVID19 pandemic can be a hub city of East Asia with accumulated history of the fast growing city as the capital of Korea as well as a solid peace city identity of the divided Korean peninsula. We compare city of Seoul with Tokyo and Shanghai in terms of relative dominance to be a hub city in East Asia. We also trace the experiences of Brussels which could be a capital of the EU from its marginal past in the geopolitics of Europe. This paper finally suggests a strategy for Seoul to be a hub city of East Asia, which we can take from experiences of Brussels.

• Author : Shin Wha Lee
• Publication : EAST ASIA FORUM
• Publisher : EAST ASIA FORUM QUARTERLY
• Volume : 13(4)
• Date : November, 2021

Abstract: THE INTERNATIONAL community has faced an unprecedented social and economic shock due to three ‘big bangs’—increasing US–China strategic competition, the fourth industrial revolution and the COVID-19 crisis. These three big bangs are interrelated and pose important challenges and consequences for world trade, regional stability and the future of the liberal international order.

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• Author : Sung Eun Kim  & Krzysztof Pelc
• Publication : Political Science Research and Methods
• Publisher : Cambridge University Press
• Volume : 9(4)
• Date : October, 2021

Abstract: How responsive is the US’ Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) to the labor dislocation that results from trade integration? Recent findings suggest that the world’s most ambitious trade adjustment program barely responds to import shocks, and that the shortfall is made up by disability insurance and early retirement. This holds considerable implications: TAA offers a lens onto the central question of whether developed democracies can effectively redistribute the gains from international economic integration. We take a closer look at these results. Using petition-level data over a 20-year period, we find that TAA is between 1.7 and 3.3 times more responsive than current estimates suggest. Yet the news is not all good. As we show, the responsiveness of TAA has decreased considerably since the 1990s, just as developed democracies started facing increasing pushback against liberalization. This shortfall, in turn, has political consequences: areas where TAA has been least responsive were also more likely to shift toward voting for Trump in the 2016 Presidential election. Our findings speak to the considerable challenge governments face in aiding workers “left behind” by liberalization.

• Author : Park, Hong Kyu
• Publication : Journal of Korean Politics
• Publisher : The Institute for Political Studies
• Volume : 30(3)
• Date : October, 2021

Abstract: The political space of the Taejong era and that of the Sejong’s were different. While Taejong’s politics often relied on violence and death in the name of ‘the politics of righteousness’, Sejong based his ruling on ‘the politics of humanity’ in which communication and tolerance were highlighted to help all beings fully live their lives. In this paper, I interpret the 9th year of King Sejong to be a watershed that ushed in a new political space for Joseon. Sejong established his own political leadership by demonstrating how his politics of humanity could be successfully applied to the Jo mal-saeng incident, the Yangnyeong issue, and some corruption scandals borne out of the Taejong era. In so doing, Sejong came to open a new political space where communication and tolerance loom large. Sejong was able to create it thanks to his belief that political reform is achievable through a long- term, gradual process of resolving ‘deep-rooted evils’ rather than a surgical one-off eradication of the evils all at once.

• Author : Lin Ji-Hoon
• Publication : Peace Studies
• Publisher : Peace & Democracy Institute
• Volume : 29(2)
• Date : October, 2021

Abstract:

Rawls inherits the basic structure of traditional just war theory – jus ad bellum, jus in bello, jus post bellum – without any hesitation in The Law of Peoples. However, he suggests a brand new methodology that makes foreign policies of each people be subject to moral judgment of citizens within a constitutional democracy. The well-known ‘original position’ methodologically interlink the conception of just war with his social justice theory. In practical terms, ‘the duty of civility’ shows how the discussion of war can be held in accordance with the principle of liberal legitimacy. As a result, the debate on the morality of war becomes political and moral acts required of free and equal citizens within a just democratic society.