• Author : Hyun-Jin Cha
• Publication : Comparative Democratic Studies
• Publisher : Inje Institute of Democracy and Autonomy
• Volume : 18(2)
• Date : December 2022

Abstract: This study aims to analyze the characteristics of Korean protest participants from 2004 to 2018. This paper especially examines whether generational attributions are reflected in Korean protestors, focusing on age cohorts born at a similar period. To be specific, this research argues that generations who have experienced crucial political or economic events such as June uprising in 1987 or IMF economic crisis in 1998 at impressionable year are more likely to participate in protest than other generations. As a result of empirical analysis through 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2018 Korea General Social Survey(KGSS) data, this paper examines an effect of age on protest participation in Korea is due to not age effects but cohort effects. This research contributes the influence of generation on protest participation, a type of non-institutional political participation, pointing out that existing literature on generation only focuses on institutional political participation such as voting behaviors.

• Author: Nae-Young Lee
• Publication : The Journal of Asiatic Studies
• Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute
• Volume : 65(4)
• Date : December 2022

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to examine causes and effects of affective polarization among Korean electorate. In order to examine the main causes of affective polarization, this paper suggests the two contending theories: the partisan identity theory and the ideology/policy theory, and various hypoheses drawn from the two theories are tested by empirical analysis. Empirical findings indicate that affective polarization is strongly related to the strength of partisan identity as well as ideological distance and policy difference between the two main parties. In addition, strong interaction effects between the strength of partisan identity and policy difference of the two main parties is detected. This paper also tries to analyze non-political effects of affective polarization in Korea. This paper examines whether affective polarization brings negative effects on four different types of social relations between the partisans of different parties. The empirical findings show that the hypothses are only partially supported. In the highly intimate social relations such as marriage and close friendship, the negative effect of affective polarization on social relations is very salient. Yet in the less intimate social relations such as neighbors and company colleague, the negative effect of affective polarization is not salient.

• Author : Chiwon Choi
• Publisher : Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Sozialwissenschaften
• Publication : Koreanisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft Fuer Sozialwissenschaften(K-G Association For Social Sciences)
• Volume : 32(4)
• Date : December 2022

Abstract: The link of romanticism, the historical school and historicism (Historismus) is neither ‘reason’ (freedom) nor progress advocated by the Enlightenment and inherited by Hegel, but ‘history’ (understood as life) that cannot be systematized within philosophical concepts. Weber calls himself as a ‘son of historical school’. As confirmed in many parts of the fountain of his thought, his negative attitude towards the Enlightenment and Hegel’s philosophy tells us that his thought is essentially characterized by the rejection of philosophy and the primacy of history, which historicism (Historismus) and historical school justify. Two moments are thus inherent in his thought: resistance of history to philosophy on the one hand and philosophy subsumed by history on the other hand. Thus, historicism (Historismus) and the branches of the historical school in a special sense, that is, historicist jurisprudence, historicist economics, and historicist historiography, are the source and nourishment of Weber’s thought. In this way, Weber, as a ‘son of the historical school’, stands in the tradition of Herder, Savigny, Ranke, Droysen, Dilthey, Schmoller, Windelband, Rickert etc. He fights, however, against it on the other hand, eliminating the irrationality romanticism. Through this, he forms his identity and ‘unique personality’ as a rationalistic scholar. At the same time, Weber forms his identity and ‘unique personality’ as an active politician and political thinker, following the tradition of the historical school and historicism (Historismus) in that he grasps history as a question of politics: He tries to fulfill the demands of politics of the time which are different from the conservatism that dominated this tradition. Unlike scholar-Weber, however, politician-Weber cannot completely disconnect from the irrational momentum of romanticism inherent in the tradition of the historical school and historicism (Historismus).

• Autnor : Byung-Kon Kim
• Publisher : The Journal of Humanities and Social science
• Publication : The Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 21
• Volume : 13(6)
• Date : December 2022

Abstract :This study seeks a political and philosophical basis for the definition of migration. The main purpose of this paper is to explore political and philosophical solutions to this issue. The method of research focuses on analyzing existing political and philosophical discourse on the issue of migrant membership. This study analyzes the theories on the hospitality of membership and diagnoses their limitations. This research also pay attention to the political theory of Benhabib who suggests the most convincing alternative on migration and membership. This study emphasizes Benhabib’s concept of democratic iteration and diagnoses its potential and limitations. Benhabib’s theory is recognized for its significance in that it accepts innate contradictions in the issue of migrant membership and seeks realistic alternatives. However, it should be complemented further by accepting the norms of global citizenship or such afterwards.

• Author : David M. Allison, Stephen Herzog, and Jiyoung Ko
• Publication : Journal of Conflict Resolution
• Publisher : Sage
• Volume : 66(10)
• Date : November, 2022

Abstract : How robust is public support for extended nuclear deterrence in patron and client states? Recent studies have improved scholarly understanding of US public opinion about nuclear weapon use against non-nuclear adversaries. Yet, there is limited knowledge of public attitudes regarding retaliation for nuclear strikes against US allies. We develop a theoretical typology of nuclear crises and investigate this phenomenon with a novel survey experiment (n = 6,623). Americans, Japanese, and South Koreans viewed realistic emergency alert messages about a most-likely case for nuclear retaliation: a North Korean missile attack on a US ally protected by the nuclear umbrella. Support for nuclear retaliation is low in all three countries, with important cross-national differences. Favorability increases with North Korean nuclear first-use, but it remains limited nonetheless. Surprisingly, US “tripwire” troop casualties do not increase Americans’ demands for nuclear retaliation. These findings have important implications for the study of nuclear crises and practice of extended deterrence.

• Author : Chiwon Choi
• Publication : The Korean Review of Political Thought
• Publisher : Korean Society For Political Thought
• Volume : 28(2)
• Date : November 2022

Abstract: In Germany’s historical time and space, especially the German Romanticism and the tradition of Historicism and the Historical School that is developed in a close relation with German Romanticism, Weber’s thought is formed and given its characteristics. This tradition is symbolized by the relationship between philosophy and history, and is particularly characterized by the rebellion of history against philosophy. In Weber’s thought, the philosophical moments unfold as a dual moment of acceptance of Kant and rejection of Hegel. The latter aspect has a decisive meaning in understanding the character and status of his thought. For Weber, regardless of his own intentions and thus paradoxically, is unable to completely dislodge from his thoughts the moment of Romanticism which he himself tried to deny in the spirit of a rational scholar and researcher. The point is that if Romanticism is born out of a reaction against philosophy, and thus rejects philosophy and put history to the fore as an antithesis to it, Weber’s thought is also located in such frame. In short, although Weber’s thought can be clearly distinguished from Romanticism and has especially no relation to the conservative reactionism of the German Political Romanticism, when it comes to rejecting philosophy and accepting history, Romanticism is revealed as a distant source of his thought. This problem needs to be studied in detail in the context of the historical school and historicism.

• Author : Nam Kyu Kim
• Publication : Euporean Political Science Review
• Publisher : Cambridge University Press
• Volume : 14(4)
• Date : November, 2022

Abstract : This article explores how women’s descriptive representation affects legal gender equality of economic opportunity. Building on existing studies on women’s descriptive and substantive representation, we argue that as the proportion of female legislators and ministers increases, legal gender equality of economic opportunity improves. Additionally, we expect that a country’s institutional context significantly shapes the influence of women in different positions of power on legal gender equality. The higher the legislature’s law-making power, the greater the effect of female legislators on legal gender equality; under the same condition, its relative influence compared to female cabinet ministers is also greater. Similarly, we hypothesize that the higher the level of democracy, the more effective female legislators compared to female ministers. To test these arguments, we draw on the database that provides cross-national information on legal discrimination against women in economic opportunities and provide supporting evidence for our arguments.

• Author : Hyun-Jin Cha
• Publication : The Journal of International Relations
• Publisher : The East Asian Association Of International Studies
• Volume : 25(3)
• Date : October 2022

Abstract:  This paper aims to analyze the effects of protests on public opinion. This research analyzes how Occupy Wall Street (OWS) from the United States in 2011 affects public opinions about economic crisis. This paper argues that individuals differently evaluate the cause of economic crisis depending on their preferences of the OWS. That is, an individual who favors to OWS is likely to hold for the OWS the Republicans and the former President Bush more accountable than the Democrats and the then President Obama. This is because the protest’s slogan, “we are 99%,” makes people aware of the fundamental inequality between the rich and the poor. The empirical findings from the 2011-2012 American National Election Studies (ANES) demonstrated the main hypotheses. This paper contributes on the effects of social movements on public opinion which has been overlooked by existing literature.