The Problem of Romanticism as Genealogy of Max Weber’s Thought : A Preliminary Study on the Value and Status of Weber’s Thought (2022.11)

  • Author : Chiwon Choi
  • Publication : The Korean Review of Political Thought
  • Publisher : Korean Society For Political Thought
  • Volume : 28(2)
  • Date : November 2022

Abstract: In Germany’s historical time and space, especially the German Romanticism and the tradition of Historicism and the Historical School that is developed in a close relation with German Romanticism, Weber’s thought is formed and given its characteristics. This tradition is symbolized by the relationship between philosophy and history, and is particularly characterized by the rebellion of history against philosophy. In Weber’s thought, the philosophical moments unfold as a dual moment of acceptance of Kant and rejection of Hegel. The latter aspect has a decisive meaning in understanding the character and status of his thought. For Weber, regardless of his own intentions and thus paradoxically, is unable to completely dislodge from his thoughts the moment of Romanticism which he himself tried to deny in the spirit of a rational scholar and researcher. The point is that if Romanticism is born out of a reaction against philosophy, and thus rejects philosophy and put history to the fore as an antithesis to it, Weber’s thought is also located in such frame. In short, although Weber’s thought can be clearly distinguished from Romanticism and has especially no relation to the conservative reactionism of the German Political Romanticism, when it comes to rejecting philosophy and accepting history, Romanticism is revealed as a distant source of his thought. This problem needs to be studied in detail in the context of the historical school and historicism.

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Possibilities and Limitations of Human Rights Cooperation in East Asia: Focusing on the COVID-19 and the Myanmar Crisis (2022.10)

Abstract: Scholars have studied possibilities and limitations of cooperation in human rights issues. Students of East Asian human rights politics have discovered that findings from other regions cannot easily be applied to the region. First, East Asia is characterized by a lack of regional human rights institutions and organizations to coordinate during the time of human rights crises. Moreover, bilateral relations between Korea-Japan, China-Japan, and Taiwan-China all show that power politics dominate and the politics of memory is highly contentious. This article examines the possibilities and limitations of human rights cooperation in East Asia, focusing on the two recent human rights crises in the region: (1) the COVID-19 pandemic and its impact on human rights and (2) the military coup and subsequent human rights violations in Myanmar. The two cases confirm that the findings from other regions do not fit to East Asia. However, both cases also show some important possibilities. First, the COVID-19 case shows that when faced with unprecedented global pandemic, human rights protection is possible when countries learn from and cooperate with each other. Second, the Myanmar case shows that not only governments but also civil societies are critical actors in promoting human rights in the region.

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Electing More Women to National Legislatures: An Interplay between Global Normative Pressure and Domestic Political Regimes (2022.10)

Abstract : Existing studies show that democracies are no better than autocracies in terms of women’s legislative representation. This finding seems counterintuitive because democracies are more politically inclusive and foster greater respect for civil and political rights, compared to autocracies. We revisit the relationship between democracy and women’s legislative representation by considering the interaction between democracy and global norms of gender equality in politics. We argue that democracies are better able than autocracies to translate a global norm of gender-balanced political representation into actual domestic practices. Further, we contend that the effect of democracies also depends on the external normative pressure. Using a time-series cross-sectional dataset covering 147 countries from 1951 to 2013, our analysis shows that the more democratic a country is, the more responsive it is to global norms promoting gender equality in politics. It also demonstrates that the effect of democracy on women’s representation strengthens, as global normative pressure for women’s inclusion in politics grows.

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