• Authors : Jae Hyeok Shin
• Journal : Government and Opposition
• Publisher : Cambridge University Press
• Volume : 52(3)
• Publication Date : July, 2017
• Abstract : This article explores legislative voting behaviour in the regional party system where electoral competition is based primarily on geographic divisions instead of national public policies. An analysis of roll-call votes in the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea from 2000 to 2008 reveals that in the regionalized context, legislative voting unity is high because legislators are disciplined to receive endorsement from their regional champion party. Those legislators are far more disciplined when voting on pork legislation. Nonetheless, as the socioeconomic status of constituents rises and the constituents thus care more about policy than pork, then opposition legislators tend to vote against their parties more often. Conversely, governing-party members are more disciplined to pass bills where voters often desire policy over pork. This study suggests a powerful interaction between party affiliations and voter demands as a dominant electoral strategic tool in the regional party system.

• Author : Miyoun Baik
• Journal : Dongbuga Yeoksa Nonchong
• Publisher : Northeast Asian History Foundation
• Volume : 56
• Publication Date : June, 2017
• Abstract : This paper aims at constructing an alternative solidarity paradigm that can lead to the Northeast Asian cooperation and solidarity. For this purpose, this study starts with analyzing the specific solidarity values centering on the EU case as a transnational solidarity at the regional level. As a result of this analysis, I argue that the basic norms of existing solidarity-political, economic mutual benefit, cultural commonality-do not necessarily create sustainable solidarity. Furthermore, an alternative discourse of deliberative democracy, which is the deepening of institutional democracy, also has difficulties in providing motivation for a solidarity. Therefore, I propose a transnational justice paradigm as an alternative paradigm for constructing a realistic and sustainableNortheast Asian solidarity.
  The transnational justice paradigm ⑴ understands dominations and subordinations of various types and dimensions as injustices, based on the perspective of the disadvantaged who undergo multidimensional – multilevel dominations and subordinations. ⑵ Adopting ‘standpoint of the disadvantaged, it forms numerous justice solidarity communities’ composed of different subjects of the demands and responsibilities of justices in various levels – local, national, regional, global levels.
  ⑶ The transnational justice is aimed at ‘equality of social status or social relation’, so it can be said that it is a norm to obtain ‘cross – cultural’ and universal validity. Moreover, since it emphasizes the ‘democratization’ of the process of justice debate, that is, the equal voice and influence of everyone subjected to the governance structure(s), it can provide a strong motive for solidarity. Based on transnational justice paradigm, Northeast Asian solidarities or East Asian solidarities are plausible. The Northeast Asian solidarity or community is not a single, static, fixed community, but rather that of fluid, ever – changing, This Northeast Asian solidarity community will be able to create cooperation and peace, functioning as a community that constantly engages in democratic dialogue and responsibility for justice.

• Author : Gyu Jeong Yee
• Journal : The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches
• Publisher : The Society for Chinese Historical Researches
• Volume : 108
• Publication Date : June, 2017
• Abstract : This study attempts to understand about the significances and applications of `IPR publications on the Pacific, 1925-1952` through the convergence between history and political science. The establishment and dissolution of IPR which was independent organization from the government is influenced by the changes of US foreign policy. The IPR was founded in the era of Willsonian idealistic foreign policy which seek the promoting mutual understanding and goodwill, but was dissolved in transition to realistic foreign policy after World War Ⅱ and deepening the Cold War. The main concerned are of IPR, East Asia has three common features which are cultivation of rice, rapid economic development and pursuit of economic unification, and share of regional order which was built in long history. The IPR publications promote the historical understanding of East Asian study, broaden the information of changes of East Asian study, and contribute to systematization of area study. In the light of reiteration of history in East Asia, the convergence and fusion between the historical discovery and the analysis of political science to the IPR publications are very important to solve the problems in real world.

• Author : Chi-won Choi
• Journal : Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sozialwissenschaften
• Publisher : Koreanisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sozialwissenschaften
• Volume : 27(2)
• Publication Date : June, 2017
• Abstract : If politics is understood as a science, it is supposed to be the science based on natural sciences. The natural sciences aim at attaining the truth whose essence is repeatability, prediction, regularity and law, which completely get rid not only of man but also of the context of history, institutions, practices and language on the basis of which man lives. The politics, while it ceaselessly apes the manners of natural sciences, has lost its identity and it ability to reflect itself. It is thus necessary to reflect and recover the true meaning of the politics, in the light of the discipline which is different from natural sciences and which explores the questions of human, morals and social & historical phenomenon. This study explores the meaning of the politics by reconstructing moments of Gadamer’s hermeneutical humanism inherent in ‘Geisteswissenschaften’ and show that regarding the politics as science is like illusion or myth.

• Author : Jae-Kwan Jung
• Journal : International Journal of Korean Unification Studies
• Publisher : Korea Institute for National Unification
• Volume : 26(1)
• Publication Date : June, 2017
• Abstract : How could North Korea have been sustained so far despite that it has been considered as a failed state? Why there has been no coup d’état or rebellion in North Korea? This article aims to seek the sources of the North Korean regime’s durability by drawing on the insights of comparative authoritarianism that has made remarkable progress in the past decade. According to comparative authoritarianism, regime durability varies by the type of authoritarianism. North Korea is classified as a mix of personalist and one-party dictatorship, which is considered more durable than other types of dictatorships. However, this type of dictatorship is most likely to break down by a coup or rebellion. This article thus proposes a multi-level theory of rebellion and calls for an analysis of the North Korean regime’s durability based on the multi-level theory. As a theoretical hypothesis, we also speculate the reason why the North Korean regime shows a surprising longevity is that it developed an elite control system that has maintained an ideological and organizational unity of elites and their loyalty to the regime, thereby removing the seed of rebellion. As long as its elite control system functions effectively, it is unlikely that the North Korean regime collapses by a coup or rebellion.

• Author : Shin-wha Lee
• Journal : Journal of International and Area Studies
• Publisher : Institute of International Affairs, Seoul National University
• Volume : 24(1)
• Publication Date : June, 2017
• Abstract : This study aims to discuss characteristics and limits of Korea’s human security-oriented policies in global and regional dimensions as a core tool of identifying itself middle power country. Having recognized a ‘global-regional divide’ in Korea’s positions and leverage, the paper argues that its middle power diplomacy should distinguish the global and regional levels in planning strategies. The paper also argues that it is more realistic for Korea to purse soft power to induce support and agreement from other states rather than hard power to muddle through regional power competition. Yet, given the possibility where its endeavor can be thwarted by its the regional dynamics of the great power politics, it is equally important for Korea to secure a sizable amount of hard power, like financial and military might. Taking the case of the human security diplomacy, which is a distinctive example of soft power strategies, the paper reviews what issues and challenges have been in Koreas quest for middle power leadership on the human security agenda, as well as to evaluate whether the country’s efforts positively or adversely affect its diplomatic status as a middle power. The cases of Canada, Australia, and Japan are examined so that we may draw a lesson for Korea’s middle power diplomacy. All three countries actively pursue soft power diplomacy, including the substantive contribution to human security agenda, for the sake of their international contribution and national interest. While Australia and Canada have achieved their expected objectives, Japan does not seem to have done so.

• Authors : Shin-wha Lee and Yangho Rhee
• Journal : Discourse 201
• Publisher : The Korean Association Socio-Historical Studies
• Volume : 20(2)
• Publication Date : May, 2017
• Abstract : Over the past decades, much scholarly and policy efforts have been made in order to seek the means of advancing and institutionalizing multilateral regional security cooperation in Northeast Asia. Yet, the region still lacks in a formal regional security cooperation entity. This paper intends not to discuss the widely-discussed achievements and limits of developing such an entity. Instead, the paper examines the background, processes, and impacts of the US-China rivalry in the field of multilateral regional security, both at the regional and global levels. Through this examination, the paper discusses how relatively weaker states in the region, including Korea, have been influenced by great powers` competition over multilateralism and what these small and middle powers could and should do to maintain their own leverage. Taking a lesson from ASEAN, which has developed its regional identity and influences through its `collective voices,` the paper argues that while Korea maintains a strong bilateral security alliance with the US, it should develop bi-multilateral mechanisms, minilateral cooperation systems, and other various multilateral approaches to effectively deal with regional security threats. Given limited national capacities compared to those of regional great powers, it would be wiser for Korea to focus on taking initiatives in the areas of soft power when pursuing multilateral security initiatives. However, such diplomatic efforts could be frustrated depending upon great power politics and changing geopolitical situations. Therefore, Korea should strengthen its comprehensive national power that incorporates military, economic, cultural, and other national merits.

• Author : Hun Joon Kim
• Journal : Journal of East and West Studies
  
• Publisher : Institute of East and West Studies, Yonsei University
• Volume : Vol.29. no.1.
• Date : 2017

Abstract : Indigenous affairs has been described as a ‘wicked policy issue’ in Australia and remains one of the most difficult policy issues. The legacies of British colonization continued in debates over the appropriate recognition of indigenous peoples in Australia’s Constitution. However, in 1967, a continued civil rights campaign by indigenous activists resulted in overwhelming support for a referendum granting indigenous population equal citizenship rights. The 1967 referendum was a watershed event in Australia’s indigenous affairs but it was only the beginning of a long struggle. It is the development and global diffusion of human rights and transitional justice, which influenced the significant changes in Australia’s indigenous policy. Since the 1990s, a decade of official reconciliation began and the debates over Australia’s history and national identity intensified. Later, the political focus had increasingly turned to more practical side of reconciliation by addressing socioeconomic disadvantage in indigenous communities. Using the norm life cycle theory and advocacy networks approaches, I argue that this significant policy change in Australia was caused by two interacting factors: first, the advocacy of civil rights activists and second, the diffusion of international human rights norms.

• Author : Jiil Kim
• Journal : The Quarterly Journal of Defense Policy Studies
• Publisher :  Korea Institute for Defense Analyses
• Volume : 115
• Publication Date : April, 2017
• Abstract : Park Jung-hee’s administration had pursued nuclear missile development despite strong opposition from the United States, so why did they decide to abandon nuclear weapons and devote solely to missiles? To answer this question, this study makes use of process tracing, while contributing to academic debate in two ways. First, this study reviews the historical evidence by adopting a new comprehensive approach, which breaks the tradition of viewing the development of nuclear weapons and missiles in the days of Park Jung-hee’s administration as two separate programs. Second, nuclear missile development during Park Jung-hee’s administration created a precedent when Korea abandoned the pursuit of nuclear weapons and went on to develop a missile within limits set by the United States, which produced a procedure for alleviation within the alliance.

• Author : Chi-won Choi
• Journal : Culture and Politics
• Publisher : Hanyang Peace Institute
• Volume : 4(1)
• Publication Date : March, 2017
• Abstract : The three countries of East Asia, Korea, China, and Japan, have existed on the basis of different forms of life called Confucianism, which is a unique view of human nature containing institutionalstructural logics of politics and society. A totally new system and value called democracy, however, has come into the East Asian mode of existence. The East Asian phenomenon, in which complex contradictoryaspects of political society appear, makes us inevitably ask what the democracy in East Asia is. This study, from a historicalphilosophical and cultural-political perspective, examines the question of what the democracy today means to us in the context of the “here [at the regional-spatial level] and now [at the temporal level].”