Author : Dae Keun Cho, Nam-Kook Kim Publication : The Journal of Contemporary European Studies Publisher : The Korean Society Of Contemporary European Studies Volume : 39(4) Date : November, 2021 Abstract: Increasing debate on the international role of the city means decreasing validity of international order surrounding the sovereign state. Especially, COVID19 pandemic has disclosed the limit of sovereign state and cities have rise as supplement to or replacement for the sovereign state. This paper aims to suggest the role of Seoul after the COVID19 pandemic can be a hub city of East Asia with accumulated history of the fast growing city as the capital of Korea as well as a solid peace city identity of the divided Korean peninsula. We compare city of Seoul with Tokyo and Shanghai in terms of relative dominance to be a hub city in East Asia. We also trace the experiences of Brussels which could be a capital of⋯

Author : Shin Wha Lee Publication : EAST ASIA FORUM Publisher : EAST ASIA FORUM QUARTERLY Volume : 13(4) Date : November, 2021 Abstract: THE INTERNATIONAL community has faced an unprecedented social and economic shock due to three ‘big bangs’—increasing US–China strategic competition, the fourth industrial revolution and the COVID-19 crisis. These three big bangs are interrelated and pose important challenges and consequences for world trade, regional stability and the future of the liberal international order. … Read More

Author : Sung Eun Kim  & Krzysztof Pelc Publication : Political Science Research and Methods Publisher : Cambridge University Press Volume : 9(4) Date : October, 2021 Abstract: How responsive is the US’ Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) to the labor dislocation that results from trade integration? Recent findings suggest that the world’s most ambitious trade adjustment program barely responds to import shocks, and that the shortfall is made up by disability insurance and early retirement. This holds considerable implications: TAA offers a lens onto the central question of whether developed democracies can effectively redistribute the gains from international economic integration. We take a closer look at these results. Using petition-level data over a 20-year period, we find that TAA is between 1.7 and 3.3 times more responsive than current estimates suggest. Yet the news is not all good. As we show, the responsiveness of TAA has decreased considerably since the 1990s, just as developed democracies started facing increasing⋯

Author : Park, Hong Kyu Publication : Journal of Korean Politics Publisher : The Institute for Political Studies Volume : 30(3) Date : October, 2021 Abstract: The political space of the Taejong era and that of the Sejong’s were different. While Taejong’s politics often relied on violence and death in the name of ‘the politics of righteousness’, Sejong based his ruling on ‘the politics of humanity’ in which communication and tolerance were highlighted to help all beings fully live their lives. In this paper, I interpret the 9th year of King Sejong to be a watershed that ushed in a new political space for Joseon. Sejong established his own political leadership by demonstrating how his politics of humanity could be successfully applied to the Jo mal-saeng incident, the Yangnyeong issue, and some corruption scandals borne out of the Taejong era. In so doing, Sejong came to open a new political space where communication and tolerance loom⋯

Author : Lin Ji-Hoon Publication : Peace Studies Publisher : Peace & Democracy Institute Volume : 29(2) Date : October, 2021 Abstract: Rawls inherits the basic structure of traditional just war theory – jus ad bellum, jus in bello, jus post bellum – without any hesitation in The Law of Peoples. However, he suggests a brand new methodology that makes foreign policies of each people be subject to moral judgment of citizens within a constitutional democracy. The well-known ‘original position’ methodologically interlink the conception of just war with his social justice theory. In practical terms, ‘the duty of civility’ shows how the discussion of war can be held in accordance with the principle of liberal legitimacy. As a result, the debate on the morality of war becomes political and moral acts required of free and equal citizens within a just democratic society. Original text link  

Author : Kim Young Joon, Shin Young Hwan Publication : National Security and Strategy Publisher : Institute for National Security Strategy Volume : 21(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: The aim of this study is to understand Biden administration’s foreign policy principles and problems. This paper analyzed Biden administration’s official documents and speeches made by President Biden and Secretary Blinken regarding foreign policy. This paper claims that Biden administration’s foreign policy is built on four major principles; rebuilding relations with international community through diplomacy, pursuing progressive policy agenda, selective intervention, and China policy layered by competition and cooperation. This study identified four policy tasks for Biden administrations to resolve in order to achieve its foreign policy goals. They are managing diplomatic relations with authoritarian countries, internal dilemma of pursing progressive policy agenda, dealing with morality of America’s place in the world, and finding equilibrium in its relations with China.   Original Text Link

Author : Dong Sun Lee, Iordanka Alexandrova Publication : International Relations of the Asia-Pacific Publisher : Oxford University Press Volume : 21(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: What nuclear strategy has North Korea adopted? What factors have driven the development of this nuclear strategy? This article examines the key attributes of Pyongyang’s nuclear program to offer possible answers to these questions of scholarly and practical importance. It argues that North Korea has likely adopted an assured retaliation strategy, threatening a nuclear second strike to deter US nuclear attacks. This strategy was chosen due to its superior feasibility and desirability: it requires only a modest cost-effective nuclear arsenal, reduces Pyongyang’s security dependence on Beijing, permits politically safe centralized control over the nuclear weapons, and is also relatively economical. This article calls into question the common views that North Korea has employed a catalytic strategy using its nuclear capabilities to induce China’s assistance, and that Pyongyang is developing an⋯

Author : Sung Eun Kim & Sujin Cha Publication : REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS Publisher : Rev Int Organ Volume : 17(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: Do voters reward politicians for trade liberalization? We examine this question by analyzing voter responses in South Korea to the US-Korea Trade Agreement. Exploiting a change in party positions on the FTA over time, we examine the effects of different party positions on outcomes in the legislative and presidential elections. We find that voters who expect direct gains (losses) specifically from the treaty increase (decrease) support for the pro-trade party. However, voters in export-oriented industries do not reward politicians for a free trade agreement that does not directly affect their well-being. Our analysis of seven waves of individual-level panel survey data also demonstrates that a short-term change in a candidate’s position on the FTA influences voter decisions in the upcoming presidential election. The findings suggest that voter preferences with regard to trade⋯

Author : Dong Joon Park Publication : THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Publisher : The East Asian Association Of International Studies (Eaais) Volume : 24(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: Why do states sometimes back down during crises despite the risk of harming their reputation for resolve, a key political asset considered vital to successful deterrence? To address this question, this article argues that under specific conditions, states and leaders consider a moderate, rather than a strong reputation, more suited to its foreign policy objectives and national security and thus opt to deliberately back down accordingly. In particular, actors are likely to prefer a moderate reputation when there is increasing concern about the increasing costs of deterrence caused by escalation across crises, and when they prioritize the process of negotiations over its eventual outcome and seek to induce the participation of their adversary. Case studies of the two Taiwan Strait crises of the 1950s, with particular⋯

Author : Dong Joon Park Publication : The Journal of Asiatic Studies Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute Volume : 64(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: How has US grand strategy and America’s attitude towards alliances and multilateralism evolved in the post-Cold War era? This article proposes a framework based on the two primary functions of US alliances to analyze its foreign policy. I argue that while the grand strategy of deep engagement has been pervasive in American foreign policy, differences emerge when examining whether each US administration prioritized either the security-maximizing or norm-spreading function of alliances. With the exception of President Clinton, all other US Presidents focused on the former which, in turn, has led to a more consistent foreign policy than conventionally understood. Meanwhile, a recent trend observed in both the Obama and Trump administrations has been America’s desire to share the burden of maintaining the liberal international order (LIO) with others. Combined, America’s approach⋯