Dong Jung Kim (Associate Professor in the Division of International Studies at Korea University)   Abstract Recent U.S. emphasis on geoeconomic confrontation with China in the developing states entails the danger of spawning an economic version of the domino theory. Geoeconomic domino theory posits that if China’s economic influence is not stopped in a developing state, the United States might encounter more developing states incorporated into the Chinese economic orbit, and the falling economic domino can eventually reach the developed economies. Nonetheless, there are reasons to expect that the developing economies would not fall to China one after another. China’s gains in the developing regions in terms of material capacity, ability to govern key issue areas, and ideological appeal are also dubious. In conducting geoeconomic competition with China, the United States should concentrate on the developed economies—Western Europe and Northeast Asia—that have a large impact on the balance of power.⋯

Jun Young Han (Master’s Degree in Political Science and International Society at Korea University)   Abstract Election-related violence is rampant in many developing countries that receive foreign aid. Although voters often elect representatives associated with violence in the developing world, little is known why they do that. In this article, I investigate why voters support politicians who resort to violence. I argue that the poor tend to vote for a candidate who delivers tangible local benefits through foreign aid projects even when the candidate uses violence in elections. To test this argument, I conduct a nationwide survey in the Philippines, inserting experiment about the effects of foreign aid and violence on voters’ electoral support. I find that poor voters residing outside the national capital region are more likely to support the candidate who has offered foreign aid projects to her constituency, regardless of her alleged electoral violence. This research sheds⋯

Gu Seon Kwon (Master of Comparative Political Science in Korea University) Abstract: As interest and concern about emotional polarization among Korean voters increases, domestic research on emotional polarization is also increasing, but not many studies on external factors that cause emotional polarization have yet to be conducted. This study empirically analyzed the influence of political parties and ideological polarization at the level of voters and at the level of political elite through an experimental survey measuring the difference in emotional temperature between two candidates based on the degree of ideological polarization between the two candidates and the provision of information on their political parties. According to the analysis results, for partisan supporters, political parties themselves had the effect of deepening emotional polarization, while ideological polarization at the political elite level had no statistically significant effect on emotional polarization. Rather, partisan supporters experienced different levels of emotional polarization according to their ideological⋯

Tae Gyoon Lim (Ph.D. in Political Science at Harvard University and Master of Political Science at Korea University), Sung Eun Kim (Professor of Political Science & International Relations, Korea University)   PDF Download: [PDI Working Paper No.15] Buying Influence, Rotating Leadership in ASEAN and Allocation of Chinese Foreign Aid   1. Introduction Southeast Asia is one of the most contested regions in the world, particularly given the intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China. In response to President Obama’s “pivot” policy toward Asia, Beijing has strived to expand its presence in the region via diverse channels including diplomatic, cultural, economic and security instruments. The ten member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have long pursued a “hedging” strategy to juggle their relationships with the world’s two major powers. Yet recently, many observers of the region have noticed signs of a shift toward China. One area⋯

Kyu Teg Lim (Senior Researcher, Peace & Democracy Institute)   Abstract This paper suggests that the widespread embrace of the US dollar as a key reserve currency does not adequately represent the global role of the US dollar. The paper critiques the Triffin Dilemma by revealing an inadequate relationship between the US dollar and US external deficits. The economic literature has misled us into a narrow characterization of the US dollar as a reserve currency primarily due to inattention to the US dollar’s external role as money of account. The real issue of the Triffin Dilemma is neither persistent US deficits nor the reserve role of the US dollar, but the US dollar’s exorbitant privilege outside the United States. This paper develops two key arguments to contribute to the study of international monetary power. First, the dynamic process of creating various forms of dollar debt outside of the United States⋯

Tae Jung Kim (Senior Researcher, Peace & Democracy Institute, Korea University)         Abstract: China, which emerged as a powerful country through economic growth and strengthening military power based on it, was dissatisfied with the U.S.-centered world order. Therefore, China, a traditional continental power, sought to expand its territorial rights with a gray-zone strategy in the vicinity, and to reduce its relative power with the United States by securing influence through one-on-one in the farther regions. his is because the U.S. has lured China into the global economy with a liberal internationalist view since the post-Cold War, assuming that if the world uses cheap Chinese products and hundreds of millions of Chinese people prosper economically, China will also be democratized. So China’s post-2010 gray zone strategy was successful. However, China’s coercive diplomacy, territorial disputes with neighboring countries, greedy market aggression, and infringement on high-tech and copyrights have caused⋯

Ji Hoon Lin (Researcher, Peace&Democracy Institute, Korea University)   Abstract: The act of war is subject to political judgment in that a particular political group mobilizes a highly organized human group to achieve its purpose. From the perspective of emphasizing political autonomy, war belongs to the realm of political prudence, not morality. For them, the argument for a just war would be at best a mask for pursuing national interests or a spark of military adventurism that would harm themselves. However, war cannot be completely removed from the realm of morality in that it is essentially an act of killing. The theory of ceasefire can be said to be a theoretical attempt to fill this wide gap between morality and politics. As Clausewitz said, “War is an extension of politics.” Thus, paradoxically, war is placed under the constraints of moral judgment. War is the object of right and wrong when⋯

Gyu Jeong Lee (Senior Researcher Peace & Democracy Institute, Korea University)     Abstract: This study critically reviewed the reporting behavior of Korean media on COVID-19 and reviewed the influence of the domestic level on global governance construction. Reports related to COVID-19 have been mass-produced in a variety of ways in almost all media outlets, but rather, excessive flooding of information has limited the information needed to provide recipients, and there is also a problem of failing to provide a productive forum for global governance. The results of the analysis of the three dimensions of reporting behavior related to the establishment of global governance can be summarized as follows. First, the controversy over the name in the naming process of COVID-19 has produced unproductive debates that are far from international norms. It caused unnecessary controversy without following the guidelines for the naming of new infectious diseases presented by the WHO,⋯

Doo Jin Kim (Research Professor, Peace & Democracy Institute, Korea University)       * This paper was published at Jiam Workshop #5.   Abstract:  Compared to traditional security, non-traditional security – human security (and health security) – is likely to have a far more fatal impact. Citizenship is given to members of the political community who have recognized boundaries as a ‘bounded concept’ that is closely related to the ‘national state’. Citizenship has dynamism and instability, but at the same time has a developmental ‘variability’. The mechanism of international movement of geographical space(spatiality) led to a new conceptualization of citizenship that challenged national citizenship based on the national state. As a result, it takes on tasks to be solved beyond the scope of national citizenship, and gradually requires ‘postnational’ citizenship. The aspiration for global citizenship or cosmopolitanism has been mentioned from ancient Greece as a form of idealism of the⋯

Eun Mi Choi (Research Fellow of The Asan Institute for Policy Studies)   * This paper was published at Giam Workshop #4.   Abstract: Korea’s international cooperation in the field of disasters is taking place in various forms. In particular, cooperation in the sense of international development cooperation provides economic and social support to many countries and allows them to grow together, and comprehensive international cooperation is continuously conducted through international seminars and joint research such as information sharing with neighboring countries. Moreover, Korea, China, and Japan have various levels of cooperation framework, including ministerial, director-general, and working-level officials. Nevertheless, it is difficult to say that a framework for institutional cooperation has been established in the disaster field in the region. As previously discussed, various frameworks have been in operation since 2004, but it is unclear whether relief and material support can be achieved in crisis situations caused by unexpected⋯