Author : Dong Joon Park Publication : THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Publisher : The East Asian Association Of International Studies (Eaais) Volume : 24(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: Why do states sometimes back down during crises despite the risk of harming their reputation for resolve, a key political asset considered vital to successful deterrence? To address this question, this article argues that under specific conditions, states and leaders consider a moderate, rather than a strong reputation, more suited to its foreign policy objectives and national security and thus opt to deliberately back down accordingly. In particular, actors are likely to prefer a moderate reputation when there is increasing concern about the increasing costs of deterrence caused by escalation across crises, and when they prioritize the process of negotiations over its eventual outcome and seek to induce the participation of their adversary. Case studies of the two Taiwan Strait crises of the 1950s, with particular⋯

Author : Dong Joon Park Publication : The Journal of Asiatic Studies Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute Volume : 64(3) Date : September, 2021 Abstract: How has US grand strategy and America’s attitude towards alliances and multilateralism evolved in the post-Cold War era? This article proposes a framework based on the two primary functions of US alliances to analyze its foreign policy. I argue that while the grand strategy of deep engagement has been pervasive in American foreign policy, differences emerge when examining whether each US administration prioritized either the security-maximizing or norm-spreading function of alliances. With the exception of President Clinton, all other US Presidents focused on the former which, in turn, has led to a more consistent foreign policy than conventionally understood. Meanwhile, a recent trend observed in both the Obama and Trump administrations has been America’s desire to share the burden of maintaining the liberal international order (LIO) with others. Combined, America’s approach⋯

Author : Shin Wha Lee Publication : ifs post Publisher : K-policy  Brief Volume : no.31 Date : September, 2021   Original Text Link

Author : Sung Eun Kim, Joonseok Yang Publication : AMERICAN POLITICS RESEARCH Publisher : online first Volume : 50(3) Date : August, 2021 Abstract: Gasoline prices are often a heated topic during presidential election campaigns in the United States. Yet, presidents have limited control over gasoline prices. Do voters reward or punish the president for changes in gasoline prices? Why might voters blame the president for an outcome beyond direct presidential control? This study addresses these questions by testing the effects of gasoline prices on pocketbook retrospection by voters. To capture the personal economic burden of gasoline prices, we rely on average driving times to work, given the inelastic nature of gasoline consumption for commuting. The results provide evidence for pocketbook voting: constituencies with longer average driving times to work are more likely to hold the president accountable for gasoline price increases. These findings have broader implications regarding electoral accountability and rationality in voting.   Original Text Link⋯

Author : Nam Kyu Kim, Jun Koga Sudduth Publication : Comparative Political Studies Publisher : SAGE Publications Volume : 54(9) Date : August, 2021 Abstract: Does the creation of nominally democratic institutions help dictators stay in power by diminishing the risk of coups? We posit that the effectiveness of political institutions in deterring coups crucially depends on the types of plotters and their political goals. By providing a means to address the ruling coalition’s primary concerns about a dictator’s opportunism or incompetence, institutions reduce the necessity of reshuffling coups, in which the ruling coalition replaces an incumbent leader but keeps the regime intact. However, such institutions do not diminish the risk of regime-changing coups, because the plotters’ goals of overthrowing the entire regime and changing the group of ruling coalition are not achievable via activities within the institutions. Our empirical analysis provides strong empirical support for our expectations. Our findings highlight that the role of “democratic” institutions in⋯

Author : Peng, W., Kim, S.E., Purohit, P., Urpelainen, J., & Wagner,F.  Publication : ONE EARTH Publisher : Elsevier Inc. Volume : 4 Date : August, 2021 Abstract: Political-feasibility concerns are at the center of real-world air-pollution policymaking. Yet, these concerns are often not represented in leading decision-support tools that have been used for assessing policies’ environmental impacts. Focusing on a wide range of clean-air policies in India, we assess their political-feasibility scores on the basis of public opinion, market, and institutional considerations and then incorporate these scores into the evaluation of environmental impacts by using an integrated assessment model (GAINS-South Asia). We demonstrate that although some policies with substantial potential to mitigate air pollution are also highly politically feasible (e.g., replacing solid fuels with cleaner fuels in households), others can be less politically feasible (e.g., banning agricultural waste burning). Because some clean-air policies co-reduce CO2 emissions and aerosols, considering varying degrees of political feasibility is particularly important in achieving air-pollution and⋯

Author : Dong Joon Park Publication : Journal of Peace and Unification Publisher : Ewha Institute of Unification Studies Volume : 11(3) Date : August, 2021 Abstract: How do great powers manage their alliances with smaller states? Despite the risk of en-trapment, crises may also be perceived as opportunities to gain private information about others. Based on this logic, I argue that both status quo and revisionist powers uncertain about the system either welcome or condone belligerent behavior by their smaller allies and thus loosely manage their relationships. Certain revisionist powers also consider crises beneficial due to this dynamic, but oversee the action of their protégés more closely to prevent it from interfering with their own strategy to revise the system. In contrast, certain status quo powers most closely control their client allies to prevent entrapment. In other words, uncertainty causes great powers to wag their tails.   Original Text Link  

Author : Jo Gye-won Publication : The Study of Humanities and Sciences Publisher : The Institute of Humanities Volume : 43 Date : July, 2021 Abstract: The purpose of this study is to analyze the injustice inherent in the landlord-tenant relationship of a commercial building, one of Gap-Eul relationships, and the phenomenon of gentrification, based on the concept of domination of republican theory, and to explore ways to minimize it. The main arguments are as follows. First, the landlord dominates the tenant in the relationship of commercial building lease. The tenant is highly dependent on the landlord because of its high exit cost, and the landlord with the superior position in bargaining can exercise social power to tenant through termination of the contract and refusal of renewal, and such power is likely to be exercised arbitrarily. Second, the gentrifiers, acting with common intentions to maximize potential ground rent, dominate the current residents. Current residents must⋯

Author : Hyun Jae Ho Publication : East and West Studies Publisher : Institute of East and West Studies Volume : 33(2) Date : June 2021 Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to examine the problems of party competition that have emerged over a generation since democratization on focusing supply-side at the level of political parties and party systems. It is the electoral programmes that has been chosen as the material of analysis for this purpose. This paper confirmed several facts through analysis of this. Firstly, the pattern of competition between parties through the macro-level left-right (progressive-conservative) scale and the micro-level issue dimension shows its regularity over time. It appears to be a competitive structure over Korean Peninsula Peace and social welfare issues, with the Democratic Party of Korea and the Justice Party as one axis and the People Power Party and People’s Party another. Secondly, political parties have played a crucial⋯

Author : Lin Ji-Hoon Publication : The Journal of Asiatic Studies Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute Volume : 64(2) Date : June, 2021 Abstract: This study aims to clarify Rawls’s position on the global justice by his concept of people. In the theoretical aspect, this concept is based on the ontological foundations which have two characteristics of culture and institution. Furthermore, it has a moral structure in which peoples act according to the principle of reciprocity. In that respect, Rawls’s Law of Peoples starts at a completely different point from the traditional view of international relations among nation-states. In terms of practical aspect, the 5.18 uprising can be presented as the possible mode of this interpretation. While the Gwangju community captures the institutional and cultural characteristics of people, the martial law authorities at that time were not to be tolerated in the standards of the Law of Peoples because they belonged to the ‘outlaw state’. Then, political⋯