Authors : Jin Seok Bae Journal : Korea and World Politics Publisher : The Institute for Far Eastern Studies Volume : 34(2) Publication Date : June, 2018 Abstract : This study presented the following three hypotheses to analyze the mechanism of generation and ideology factors in North Korea policy and security policy area. First, the assessment of North Korea and its security policy does not change simply linearly according to age. Second, the influence of ideology on North Korea and security policy varies from generation to generation. Third, depending on how the policies are combined, the conditions under which the generation and ideology can exert influence vary. Based on the results of the survey conducted in 2017, this study found the following. First, even after controlling for other factors, the generation born in the 1970s favored the engagement policy toward North Korea than their predecessor or later generations, and they⋯

Authors : Jin Seok Bae Journal : JIAS (Journal of International and Area Studies) Publisher : Institute of International Affairs Volume : 25(1) Publication Date : June, 2018 Abstract :This paper analyzes regionalism in the 20th Korean National Assembly (NA) election in 2016 from a sub-national perspective. It thoroughly analyzes regionalism at both the party system level and individual level with a focus on the latter. At the party system level, overall electoral volatility and party competitiveness increased in the district of the Cholla (Southwestern) region in the 20th NA election, which resembled the 17th election in 2004. However, bloc volatility makes it difficult to confirm this assertion. Moreover, regional representation as a measure of regionalism turned out to be still a crucial factor determining individual vote shifts. More voters in the Cholla region supported the People’s Party over the Minjoo Party as their regional representatives. The main findings of⋯

Authors : Chiwon Choi Journal : 21st Century Political Science Review Publisher : The 21st Century Political Science Association Volume : 28(2) Publication Date : June, 2018 Abstract : In philosophy of Kant, Fichte, and Hegel, there is a tension between an idea of universal human equality and gender equality. Kant’s philosophy is considered to have completed the idea of enlightenment but full of contradiction because there is no concept of woman in it. In the case of Fichte, unlike Kant, there are positive aspects in understanding the woman. However, these aspects are cancelled out by the way he assigns too high a value to the man. In Hegel, there remains the philosophical idea of Kant and Fichte, who discriminated women and separated women from the public world. Furthermore, there is only a scanty place for women in his concept of ‘Geist’ that is directed toward the denial of the existing⋯

Authors : Gye-Won Jo Journal : Economy and Society Publisher : Critical Sociological Association of Korea Volume : 118 Publication Date : June, 2018 Abstract : The purpose of this paper is to analyze the three anger in the ‘peanut rage’ incident in terms of inequality of status-power inherent in social relations. This case is an example of how emotions work in social relations in that the anger played an important role in the occurrence of incident, the disclosure of whistle-blower, and the spread of public interest. If actor of relatively high status is able to exercise their power arbitrarily to actors of relatively low status, social norms of disrespect and adaptation are created between them. While the executives of family conglomerates often reveal their control through anger, workers must adapt themselves to the executive’s emotion and endure humiliating situations. However, the anger that arises in the experience of denying⋯

Authors : Jin Seok Bae Journal : Comparative Democratic Studies Publisher : Inje Institute of Democracy and Autonomy Volume : 14(1) Publication Date : June, 2018 Abstract : The purpose of this study is to verify the empirical evidence that the automatic submission of the budget bill to the plenary session introduced after the implementation of, so-called, the National Assembly Advancement Act will impair the fiscal control of the National Assembly. Unlike the concerns raised in the first year of the introduction, the automatic submission system of the budget bill and the series of bills accompanying the budget cannot be considered to constrain the right of the standing committees and the special committee on budget and accounts regarding input and output of budget review. The study argues that the automatic submission system as a major itarian rule rather than a consensus one unexpectedly exercised its centripetal force the partisan lawmakers⋯

Authors : Jin Seok Bae Journal : Journal of International Politics Publisher : Ilmin International Relations Institute Volume : 23(1) Publication Date : June, 2018 Abstract : Does the Central Bank Independence (CBI) depend on the political regime type such as democracy and authoritarianism, or is the CBI determined by the economic situation of each country or the global economic trend regardless of the political regime type? Existing studies have their own limitations because they emphasize only the pressure of global financial reform by the Washington consensus or analyze just the political system of individual countries. This study argues that CBI is best assured when the pressure of global economic reform and the democracy of individual countries interact. For empirical analysis, this study used panel data from 182 countries from 1970 to 2012. The empirical analysis shows that, firstly, both the viewpoints of global financial reformby the Washington Consensus and⋯

Authors : Jin Seok Bae Journal : Korean Journal of Political Science Publisher : Korean Political Science Society Volume : 26(2) Publication Date : May, 2018 Abstract : The study highlights the political context in which TV debates can take effect in the 19th presidential election in 2017. In this political context, this study argues that TV debates are not limited to changes in perceptions such as change in favor of candidates, but also to concrete actions such as candidate changes. While previous studies have focused on the causal relationship between the exposure to TV debates and candidate selection, this study empirically analyzes that voter efficacy of TV debates regarding comparison of candidates’ quality has a direct effect on candidate selection. As a result of the hypothesis test, this study argues that the falling popularity of Ahn Cheol-soo came from his poor performance in the TV debate  

Authors : Jin Seok Bae Journal : Peace Studies Publisher : Peace & Democracy Institute Volume : 26(1) Publication Date : April, 2018 Abstract :This study analyzes the distribution strategy among authoritarian election mobilization strategies through the cases of Yushin regime and the Fifth Republic in South Korea. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate empirically the characteristics of political purpose and electoral system that the authoritarian ruling power considers as the top priority. This study finds that the main target for an incumbent under N=2 Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV) system were urban areas and the objective was to win second place in opposition strongholds rather than first place in areas where the ruling party had high support. This study also confirms that the preference and strategy of the ruling power that tried to increase urban representation, and the institutional variable such as N=2 SNTV influenced the voting behavior⋯

Authors : Hyeok Yong Kwon, Eunju Chi Journal : Korean Political Science Review Publisher : The Korean Political Science Association Volume : 52(1) Publication Date : March, 2018 Abstract : This paper examines the characteristics of social security systems and identifies institutional origins in South Korea and Taiwan during the post-democratization period. In both Korea and Taiwan the productivist welfare system was formed during the authoritarian developmental state era. As the growth policy of their developmental states reached its limits and the market opening progressed, the inequality of the two countries began to increase rapidly. The democratic transition in 1987 expanded the demand for redistribution to protect the socially unstable and economically insecure groups and social strata. Korea and Taiwan, where the market opening and democratization have co-evolved, tried to protect the social weak by expanding the national health insurance, improving public pension system and establishing various social security systems.⋯

Author : Doo-Jin Kim Journal : The Journal of Asiatic Studies Publisher : Asiatic Research Institute, Korea University Volume : 61(1) Publication Date : March, 2018 Abstract : The Korean Wave often argues for faster and stronger invasion into East Asian countries, further European countries in cultural sense. K-pop has often come to the logic that Korea has finally entered the Center. Until most recently, combined with the controversy on a more aggressive cultural imperialism, it is assumed that the Korean wave has an aspect of ‘reverse media imperialism,’ reflecting a new dichotomy of us/center and them/periphery. Some argue that the Korean Wave may be seen as a new cultural dominant at the international dimension, thus paving the way for cultural hegemony even in Europe e.g. the UK. The orthodoxy in popular music studies has supported cross-fertilization through the process of hybridization or transculturation between the global and the local.⋯