• 저자 : Jiyoung Ko and Mi Jeong Shin
• 학술지명 : The Social Science Journal
• 발행처 : Taylor & Francis
• 권호 : Online first
• 게재년월 : 2021년 11월

초록: Despite growing research on nationalism and its impact in international relations, little work has been done on how the rise of nationalism in host countries influences foreign direct investment (FDI), a key driver for promoting economic growth. We hypothesize that multinational corporations are less likely to enter host countries with high nationalism, due to the multiple risks that high nationalism entails, such as nationalist boycotts and changes in policy initiatives, and that this dampening effect will be stronger in autocracies than in democracies with a lack of stable institutional structures offering protection for foreign investors. Using a comprehensive dataset on nationalism and FDI inflows across 125 developing countries between 1990 and 2011, we find that countries with high levels of nationalism do not always receive less FDI. Our analysis shows that nationalism is negatively associated with FDI inflows just in autocracies, and that only nationalism measured at the elite level has this a negative impact. These results suggest that rising nationalism may have a disproportionate impact on FDI inflows across the world.

• 저자 : 김남국, 조대근
• 학술지명 : 유럽연구
• 발행처 : 한국유럽학회
• 권호 : 39(4)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 11월

초록 : 도시의 국제적 역할에 대한 논의의 증가는 주권국가 중심의 국제질서가 기존의 정당성을 유지하고 있지 못함을 의미한다. 특히 코로나19 팬데믹 이후 주권국가는 그 한계를 분명하게 드러냈고 도시는 국가를 보완 또는 대체할 수 있는 정치 단위로 주목받고 있다. 서울시 역시 코로나19 팬데믹 이후를 대비해야 하고 이 과정에서 서울시는 기존의 모습과는 다른 서울의 정체성을 만들어 갈 수 있다. 이 연구는 코로나위기 이후 서울시가 대한민국의 수도로서 축적해온 빠른 성장도시와 분단국가의 평화도시라는 두 가지 정체성을 바탕으로 동아시아 중심도시의 모습을 지향해야 함을 주장한다. 이를 위해 서울시의 잠재적 경쟁 상대가 될 수 있는 도쿄와 상하이에 비해 서울시가 상대적 우위를 점할 수 있는 부분을 살펴본다. 나아가서 서울시가 동아시아의 중심도시로 성장하는데 참고할 수 있는 사례로서 변방의 도시로부터 유럽연합의 수도로 자리 잡은 브뤼셀의 경험을 살펴본 후 서울시가 브뤼셀로부터 채택할 수 있는 전략을 제안한다.

Increasing debate on the international role of the city means decreasing validity of international order surrounding the sovereign state. Especially, COVID19 pandemic has disclosed the limit of sovereign state and cities have rise as supplement to or replacement for the sovereign state. This paper aims to suggest the role of Seoul after the COVID19 pandemic can be a hub city of East Asia with accumulated history of the fast growing city as the capital of Korea as well as a solid peace city identity of the divided Korean peninsula. We compare city of Seoul with Tokyo and Shanghai in terms of relative dominance to be a hub city in East Asia. We also trace the experiences of Brussels which could be a capital of the EU from its marginal past in the geopolitics of Europe. This paper finally suggests a strategy for Seoul to be a hub city of East Asia, which we can take from experiences of Brussels.

• 저자 : 이신화
• 학술지명 : EAST ASIA FORUM
• 발행처 : EAST ASIA FORUM QUARTERLY
• 권호 : 13(4)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 11월

THE INTERNATIONAL community has faced an unprecedented social and economic shock due to three ‘big bangs’—increasing US–China strategic competition, the fourth industrial revolution and the COVID-19 crisis. These three big bangs are interrelated and pose important challenges and consequences for world trade, regional stability and the future of the liberal international order.

…

• 저자 : Sung Eun Kim  & Krzysztof Pelc
• 학술지명 : Political Science Research and Methods
• 발행처 : Cambridge University Press
• 권호 : 9(4)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 10월
• 초록 : How responsive is the US’ Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA) to the labor dislocation that results from trade integration? Recent findings suggest that the world’s most ambitious trade adjustment program barely responds to import shocks, and that the shortfall is made up by disability insurance and early retirement. This holds considerable implications: TAA offers a lens onto the central question of whether developed democracies can effectively redistribute the gains from international economic integration. We take a closer look at these results. Using petition-level data over a 20-year period, we find that TAA is between 1.7 and 3.3 times more responsive than current estimates suggest. Yet the news is not all good. As we show, the responsiveness of TAA has decreased considerably since the 1990s, just as developed democracies started facing increasing pushback against liberalization. This shortfall, in turn, has political consequences: areas where TAA has been least responsive were also more likely to shift toward voting for Trump in the 2016 Presidential election. Our findings speak to the considerable challenge governments face in aiding workers “left behind” by liberalization.

• 저자 : 박홍규
• 학술지명 : 한국정치연구
• 발행처 : 서울대학교 한국정치연구소
• 권호 : 30(3)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 10월

초록 : 태종 시대의 정치공간과 세종 시대의 정치공간은 달랐다. 태종의 정치가 폭력과 죽음을 수반한 ‘의(義)의 정치’를 표출했다면, 세종의 정치는 소통과 관용을 통해 모든 존재가 삶(生)을 이루어가는 ‘인(仁)의 정치’를 지향했다. 필자는 세종 9년을 전후하여 조선의 정치공간에 변화가 있었다고 해석한다. 세종은 자연적으로 발생한 조말생 사건과 자신이 주도한 양녕 문제의 처리 과정에서 정치리더십을 발휘하여 태종 시대의 적폐를 처리하고 새로운 정치공간을 열었다. 이 과정에서 세종은 적폐를 단기적인 외과수술식의 ‘청산’ 방식이 아닌 장기적이고 점진적인 과정을 통해 ‘해소’하는 방식을 선택했다.

The political space of the Taejong era and that of the Sejong’s were different. While Taejong’s politics often relied on violence and death in the name of ‘the politics of righteousness’, Sejong based his ruling on ‘the politics of humanity’ in which communication and tolerance were highlighted to help all beings fully live their lives. In this paper, I interpret the 9th year of King Sejong to be a watershed that ushed in a new political space for Joseon. Sejong established his own political leadership by demonstrating how his politics of humanity could be successfully applied to the Jo mal-saeng incident, the Yangnyeong issue, and some corruption scandals borne out of the Taejong era. In so doing, Sejong came to open a new political space where communication and tolerance loom large. Sejong was able to create it thanks to his belief that political reform is achievable through a long- term, gradual process of resolving ‘deep-rooted evils’ rather than a surgical one-off eradication of the evils all at once.

• 저자 : Dong Sun Lee, Iordanka Alexandrova
• 학술지명 : International Relations of the Asia-Pacific
• 발행처 : Oxford University Press
• 권호 : 21(3)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 09월

초록 : What nuclear strategy has North Korea adopted? What factors have driven the development of this nuclear strategy? This article examines the key attributes of Pyongyang’s nuclear program to offer possible answers to these questions of scholarly and practical importance. It argues that North Korea has likely adopted an assured retaliation strategy, threatening a nuclear second strike to deter US nuclear attacks. This strategy was chosen due to its superior feasibility and desirability: it requires only a modest cost-effective nuclear arsenal, reduces Pyongyang’s security dependence on Beijing, permits politically safe centralized control over the nuclear weapons, and is also relatively economical. This article calls into question the common views that North Korea has employed a catalytic strategy using its nuclear capabilities to induce China’s assistance, and that Pyongyang is developing an asymmetric escalation strategy or a brinkmanship strategy, which utilizes nuclear weapons primarily to counter the superior conventional forces of its adversaries.

• 저자 : Sung Eun Kim & Sujin Cha
• 학술지명 : REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS
• 발행처 : Rev Int Organ
• 권호 : 17(3)
• 게재년월 : 2021년 09월
• 초록 : Do voters reward politicians for trade liberalization? We examine this question by analyzing voter responses in South Korea to the US-Korea Trade Agreement. Exploiting a change in party positions on the FTA over time, we examine the effects of different party positions on outcomes in the legislative and presidential elections. We find that voters who expect direct gains (losses) specifically from the treaty increase (decrease) support for the pro-trade party. However, voters in export-oriented industries do not reward politicians for a free trade agreement that does not directly affect their well-being. Our analysis of seven waves of individual-level panel survey data also demonstrates that a short-term change in a candidate’s position on the FTA influences voter decisions in the upcoming presidential election. The findings suggest that voter preferences with regard to trade can materialize into voting behavior when voters have a clear ex ante expectation of specific gains or losses from the trade policy.