home Publications Journal Article

Journal Article

Multilateralism in Great Power Politics: Building Order or Inviting Conflict? (2022.09)

Abstract : Though the United States and China emphasize the significance of multilateral frameworks, they have not departed from power politics. As the confrontation between U.S.-led and Chinese-style multilateralism intensifies, the practice of multilateral cooperation based on openness and responsibility is losing ground. In this context, this paper compares U.S.-led multilateralism and Chinese-style multilateralism to examine U.S.–China rivalry in multilateral mechanisms. It then zooms in on the rivalry in the context of the Indo–Pacific region. U.S. President Biden’s key strategy in his China policy is represented by the catchphrase “cooperate, compete, confront,” dubbed the “3C framework,” reflecting the complexities of U.S.–China relations. While the two states tend to show a mix of competition and cooperation relative to global multilateral mechanisms, they exhibit a mix of competition and conflict in the Indo–Pacific. The paper analyzes recent United States and Chinese approaches towards topical multilateral issues: on climate change issues for the former and on cybersecurity and advanced technology for the latter.

원문링크

Experience, Communication, and Collective Action: Financial Autonomy and Capital Market Development in East Asia (2022.09)

  • Author : Boram Lee and Yong Wook Lee
  • Publication : New Political Economy
  • Publisher : Routledge
  • Volume : 27(5)
  • Date : September, 2022

Abstract : From the creation of the eurozone to the African Financial Markets Initiative, the world has seen the emergence of regional financial institutions in recent decades. East Asia is no exception. ASEAN plus Three (China, Japan, and Korea) has institutionalised the Asian Bond Marked Initiative (ABMI) since 2003. What explains the development of the ABMI? We argue that East Asian states established it as an institutional mechanism for regional financial autonomy constrained by their dependence on Western financial market. In making this argument, we propose an experience-communication analytical framework to systematically investigate the formation of collective economic interests. We show that the analytical framework captures the timing and the content of the institutional evolution of the ABMI with greater precision. To demonstrate our claim, we attempt to make best use of both qualitative process tracing and quantitative collocational analysis for the validity and reliability of our claim. Particular attention is paid to analysing the politics of inclusion and exclusion in membership as ASEAN plus Three states shifted the forum for regional bond market cooperation from the APEC, of which the United States is a member, to the ABMI, which excludes the United States in pursuing regional financial autonomy.

원문링크

Why Do Koreans Not Support Redistribution? An Experimental Evidence (2022.09)

  • Author : KWON, HYEOK YONG, Daeyoung Kim, and Chanhyuk Park
  • Publication : Korean Political Science Review
  • Publisher : The Korean Political Science Association
  • Volume : 56(4)
  • Date : September, 2022

Abstract: Why do Koreans not support redistribution policy? This paper focuses on the inconsistency between objective and subjective perceptions on income groups. We argue that imperfect information on individuals position in income distribution leads to redistribution policy preferences that are not congruent with their economic interest. Our analysis of an original survey experiment finds that nearly half of the respondents misperceived their position in the income distribution. The treatment group that was provided correct information on their income position showed redistribution preferences congruent with their economic interest. This finding is consistent with theories of income-maximizing behavior and suggests that class-based redistribution preferences can be formed when citizens are provided with correct information about their income position and the mechanics of tax and spending policies.

Original Text Link

Economic MAD as Middle Powers’ Strategic Tool in the Great Power Rivalry (2022.08)

Abstract : The Cold War theory of mutually assured destruction (MAD), which described the reciprocal damage resulting from the use of nuclear weapons, can be expanded in the 21st century to include more dimensions including climate and the economy. The economic dimension of MAD (dubbed as EMAD) is a situation where one country is incapable of disrupting trade with a target country without also causing itself significant economic d[amage. This can occur given the presence of a specific economic advantage on which the coercing power relies. How can the presence of EMAD help afford middle powers more leeway in their alignment decisions within this strategic dilemma? What economic advantages create a stronger situation of EMAD? In line with these inquiries, this article investigates three cases, each with differing degrees of economic MAD: the 2016 Korea-China dispute over THAAD deployment; the 2020 Australia-China dispute over Covid-19; and the 2022 case of Korea’s participation in IPEF. After all, middle powers need to develop a ‘collective security-type arrangement’ where China’s wielding of economic muscle against any middle power state is considered an aggression against all other middle powers, which act together or collectively assist the target state to make the most of EMAD vis-à-vis China. For this, it is reasonable and realistic to promote the democratic liberal international order (LIO) by aligning with U.S.-led minilateral and multilateral initiatives or mechanisms. Yet, it is also important to identify areas and ways to engage with China rather than alienating or excluding it on the international stage.

원문링크

Proximity and Political Science: How Distance was Overcome (Partially) by COVID-19 (2022.07)

  • Author : Erik Gartzke, Benjamin E Goldsmith, Koji Kagotani, Soo Yeon Kim, Jeehye Kim, Jiyoung Ko
  • Publication : Political Science & Politics
  • Publisher : Cambridge University Press
  • Volume : 55(3)
  • Date : July 2022

Abstract : A key enemy of understanding is isolation. Distance makes it more difficult to craft scholarly insights, to obtain feedback, and to share ideas with other scholars. Because of this, tight-knit communities have long demonstrated advantages in research and learning. In the current globalized world, distance remains a problem for scholars of the Asia–Pacific region. In contrast to Europe and the Americas—regions characterized by continents—the Pacific is an ocean with a diverse set of nations, most of which exist separated from one another, on the rim. This physical geography complicates attempts to study and to communicate insights about regional affairs. Arguably, our understanding of the region is hampered by one of its most important attributes: the physical separation of its component nations.

Link

Variations of ‘East Asia’ Discourse and Reflections on Epistemological Inquiry (2022.06)

  • Author : Doo-Jin Kim,  In hye Heo
  • Publication : THE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
  • Publisher : The East Asian Association Of International Studies (Eaais)
  • Volume : 25(2)
  • Date : Abstract: The article aims to reconsider some of the epistemological discourses about “East Asia” that have been prevalent in the Korean academic world since 1990. The origins of the discourse seem to bring much contentious variation, coupled with interdisciplinary study without clarifying theoretical rigorousness. Compared to the modern West, modern East Asia historically has tended to reflect the attribute of transnational nationalism, while they have not recognize the “we-ness” with neighboring states. The development of East Asia discourse comes to capture four academic orientations raised so far in Korean intellectual milieu. The critical examination of Western ideas on ‘international society’ could pave the way for the imagination of the international society of East Asia. In view of the controversial dissonance in East Asia, the recurring narration (épistémè) of East Asian International Society as ‘imagined community’ (by Benedict Anderson) is likely to complement the ‘practice’ (praxis) of East Asia in the long-term.

 

Original Text Link

The Diplomatic and Military Relations between Korean Provisional Government and the United States: Mutual Perception of the Eagle Project (2022.06)

Abstract: This paper aims to examine the Eagle Project by analyzing the phase of forging mutual trust between the Korean Provisional Government (hereafter the KPG)’s army, the Korean Independence Army (韓國光復軍, KIA) and the Office of Strategic Services related to the project. Furthermore, this paper concludes that the Eagle Project was neither a trivial preparation nor an unfortunate process on both sides of the Korean and American memories. However, the plan involves what factors would contribute to the formation and transformation of the alliance. During the Pacific War, it was demonstrated that the relationship between the Kuomintang government and the KPG became a major factor in the KPG & KIA’s readiness to cooperate with the United States. To them, building rapport with the United States was connected to enhancing their military autonomy. This conviction was largely based on the KPG & KIA’s great confidence in the United States and based on their preference for liberal democracy. The influence of the tense situation in the Pacific region made the OSS, the KPG and KIA to recognize the need for their role in developing cooperation between the United States and Korea.

 

원문링크

A Janus–Faced Security Landscape: An Analysis of the East Asian Security Environment (2022.06)

Abstract : East Asia has become more salient on the international stage, economically and strategically. Considering its significance, many scholars have paid attention to the regional security environment. They consider East Asia a peaceful region because there has been no inter–state war, and attempt to explore factors preventing wars in East Asia. We believe that the focus on the absence of war would not only fail to provide a whole picture of the current East Asian security condition but also give a false impression that this region is stable and secure. Accordingly, we attempt to provide a detailed descriptive look at the current security environment of East Asia by focusing on various aspects of the security environment. We show that East Asia suffers from intense tensions, while it has avoided serious interstate conflict. By drawing on various perspectives, we attempt to explain the seemingly contradictory phenomenon in this region, a co-existence of intense hostility and negative peace. The U.S.–China competition, territorial disputes, and the ineffectiveness of regional institutions have intensified intra–regional tension, undermining potentials for developing security cooperation. Nevertheless, the security role of the United States and a high level of intra–regional economic integration have prevented the occurrence of serious militarized conflict.

원문링크

East Asia’s strategic positioning toward China: identifying and accounting for intra-regional variations (2022.06)

  • Author : Jae Ho Chung and Hun Joon Kim
  • Publication : Australian Journal of International Affairs
  • Publisher : Routledge
  • Volume : Online first
  • Date : June, 2022

Abstract : Relatively few systematic and categorical studies have been conducted on the variant responses by East Asian states to the rise of China, and even fewer dealt with reasons for such intra-regional variations. This study seeks to fill the void by examining the strategic responses by 15 East Asian states for the period of 2011–2016. This period merits close scrutiny because China became more explicitly assertive. The research proceeds in two phases. First, by way of reading into the expert assessments in academic journals, the strategic responses of the 15 states are categorised into balancing, hedging, or bandwagoning. Second, statistical analyses are conducted to see how the intra-regional variations are related to unit-level factors. Of the seven variables analyzed, three – geographical proximity, democracy, and identity – turn out to be crucial in determining the East Asian states’ strategic responses.

원문링크

The Political Foundations of Diversity: Determinants of Diversity Policy Preference and Evaluation of its Instrumental Values (2022.06)

  • Author : Dong-Hun Kim and Cha, Seoungwon
  • Publication : Journal of Golobal Politics (JGP)
  • Publisher : Institute of Global Politics
  • Volume : 15(1)
  • Date : June, 2022

Abstract: This paper analyzes the public perception of diversity. We study how the Korean public understands the intrinsic value of diversity, which lies in ending discrimination, and the instrumental value of diversity, which is its potential to bring practical benefits for all. The results show a generational gap; young adults perceive diversity discourse more negatively. They are against discrimination in large but do not support diversity policies that are in line with affirmative action. They are also unlikely to support parties that advocate such policies. Notwithstanding the promotion of diversity across different socio-political sectors and its benefits suggested by the academia, Korea’s meritocratic landscape is a barrier to its implementation. This study predicts that the foundations of public support for diversity could be increasingly undermined so long as the young adults, the prospective stakeholders, hold negative views. With the ongoing discourse around the Anti-Discrimination Legislation in Korea, these findings have important implications for future initiatives.

Original Text Link