Journal Article
Electing More Women to National Legislatures: An Interplay between Global Normative Pressure and Domestic Political Regimes (2022.10)
- Author : Mi Hwa Hong and Nam Kyu Kim
- Publication : International Studies Quarterly
- Publisher : Oxford University Press
- Volume : 66(4)
- Date : October, 2022
Abstract : Existing studies show that democracies are no better than autocracies in terms of women’s legislative representation. This finding seems counterintuitive because democracies are more politically inclusive and foster greater respect for civil and political rights, compared to autocracies. We revisit the relationship between democracy and women’s legislative representation by considering the interaction between democracy and global norms of gender equality in politics. We argue that democracies are better able than autocracies to translate a global norm of gender-balanced political representation into actual domestic practices. Further, we contend that the effect of democracies also depends on the external normative pressure. Using a time-series cross-sectional dataset covering 147 countries from 1951 to 2013, our analysis shows that the more democratic a country is, the more responsive it is to global norms promoting gender equality in politics. It also demonstrates that the effect of democracy on women’s representation strengthens, as global normative pressure for women’s inclusion in politics grows.
Multilateralism in Great Power Politics: Building Order or Inviting Conflict? (2022.09)
- Author : Shin-wha Lee and Jae Jeok Park
- Publication : The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis
- Publisher : Korea Institute for Defense Analyses
- Volume : 34(3)
- Date : September, 2022
Abstract : Though the United States and China emphasize the significance of multilateral frameworks, they have not departed from power politics. As the confrontation between U.S.-led and Chinese-style multilateralism intensifies, the practice of multilateral cooperation based on openness and responsibility is losing ground. In this context, this paper compares U.S.-led multilateralism and Chinese-style multilateralism to examine U.S.–China rivalry in multilateral mechanisms. It then zooms in on the rivalry in the context of the Indo–Pacific region. U.S. President Biden’s key strategy in his China policy is represented by the catchphrase “cooperate, compete, confront,” dubbed the “3C framework,” reflecting the complexities of U.S.–China relations. While the two states tend to show a mix of competition and cooperation relative to global multilateral mechanisms, they exhibit a mix of competition and conflict in the Indo–Pacific. The paper analyzes recent United States and Chinese approaches towards topical multilateral issues: on climate change issues for the former and on cybersecurity and advanced technology for the latter.
Economic MAD as Middle Powers’ Strategic Tool in the Great Power Rivalry (2022.08)
- Author : Ewan A. Smith and Shin-wha Lee
- Publication : The Korean Journal of International Studies
- Publisher : The Korean Association of International Studies
- Volume : 20(2)
- Date : August, 2022
Abstract : The Cold War theory of mutually assured destruction (MAD), which described the reciprocal damage resulting from the use of nuclear weapons, can be expanded in the 21st century to include more dimensions including climate and the economy. The economic dimension of MAD (dubbed as EMAD) is a situation where one country is incapable of disrupting trade with a target country without also causing itself significant economic d[amage. This can occur given the presence of a specific economic advantage on which the coercing power relies. How can the presence of EMAD help afford middle powers more leeway in their alignment decisions within this strategic dilemma? What economic advantages create a stronger situation of EMAD? In line with these inquiries, this article investigates three cases, each with differing degrees of economic MAD: the 2016 Korea-China dispute over THAAD deployment; the 2020 Australia-China dispute over Covid-19; and the 2022 case of Korea’s participation in IPEF. After all, middle powers need to develop a ‘collective security-type arrangement’ where China’s wielding of economic muscle against any middle power state is considered an aggression against all other middle powers, which act together or collectively assist the target state to make the most of EMAD vis-à-vis China. For this, it is reasonable and realistic to promote the democratic liberal international order (LIO) by aligning with U.S.-led minilateral and multilateral initiatives or mechanisms. Yet, it is also important to identify areas and ways to engage with China rather than alienating or excluding it on the international stage.