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A Comparative Study on Max Weber’s and Fukuzawa’s Interpretation of Confucianism (2017.11)
- Author : Chi-won Choi
- Journal : The Korean Review of Political Thought
- Publisher : Korean Society for Political Thought
- Volume : 23(2)
- Publication Date : November, 2017
- Abstract : Weber and Fukuzawa explore Chinese Confucianism from the perspective of ‘Idee’ and ‘spirit’. Weber’s method is characterized by ‘value discussion’, ‘discussion of value judgment’ or ‘value interpretation’, whereas Fukuzawa’s by ‘value judgment’. Weber is skeptical about modernity and enlightenment, whereas is optimistic. Despite their different positions, they have a common view that traditional values lose their meaning in modern times. This is reflected in their understanding of Confucianism, which can be conceptualized as ‘fundamentalism’, ‘traditionalism’, ‘self-contradictory idea of rule’ and ‘the quality of philosophy’ or rationalism of patrimonial bureaucratic politics. Especially, Fukuzawa tries to ‘overthrow the traditional theory from the root’ and to ‘open a new civilization.’ In this attitude, there is reflected the position of the young warrior who despises the pedantry in Confucianism. Despite the controversy over Weber’s and Fukuzawa’s understanding of Confucianism (among other things, the so-called Western-centrism), it can be emphasized that one thing in common that they accept the ‘absolute polytheism’ of values, acknowledging the diversity of the world and showing an open attitude toward the world.
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The Partisanship of Media and Muckraking Journalism (2017.08)
- Author : Gyu Jeong Yee
- Journal : Dispute Resolution Studies Review
- Publisher : Dankook Center for Dispute Resolution
- Volume : 15(2)
- Publication Date : August, 2017
- Abstract : This study comprehends the partisanship of media through the relation to the political party, purposes to analyze the effect of muckraking journalism by means of partisanship in presidential election. This article analyses party-media parallelism and political influence of media coverages about `the scandal of military service evasion of Lee Hoi-chang` in 16th presidential election, `the scandal of real owner of BBK` in 17th presidential election, and `the comment of NLL abandonment` in 18th presidential election. When the presidential election is imminent, it shows strong party-media parallelism with the political orientation and interests between the liberal media and liberal political party, conservative media and conservative political party. In the 16th presidential election, muckraking journalism appeared for liberal media to attack conservative party candidates, which affected the candidate`s decline in approval ratings. In the 17th presidential election, the muckraking journalism appeared in the process of the preliminary election of conservative party, the muckraking journalism of liberal media influenced the fall of conservative party candidate`s approval ratings. In the 18th presidential election, muckraking journalism appeared for conservative political parties and conservative media to attack the candidates of the liberal party, and the candidate`s approval rating were declined.
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The Possibility and Regulation of Hate Crimes in Korea (2017.08)
- Author : Gye-Won Jo
- Journal : Korean Journal of Law & Society
- Publisher : Korean Law & Society Association
- Volume : 55
- Publication Date : August, 2017
- Abstract : This paper aims to examine the possibility of hate crimes in Korean society and suggest a legal measure to regulate them. Hate crimes are criminal acts that occur when a perpetrator`s prejudice is motivated, and also referred to as bias crimes. The offences can be committed in whole or in part by prejudice, based on race, religion, disability, sexual orientation, nationality, ethnicity, gender, gender identity, or other characteristics. Although typical forms of hate crimes in Korean society are still very rare, there is a possibility that hate crimes will become social problems for following reasons. First, random crimes can turn into hate crimes. In fact, among the crimes classified as random crimes, it is possible to find cases in which hatred of a particular group such as a woman is presumed to be motive of crime. Second, as the number of foreigners and immigrants living in Korea increases, the phenomenon of xenophobia, which is unreasonable fear or hatred of foreigners, is emerging. In the United States and Europe, the xenophobia is associated with racism and right-wing extremism, resulting in political and social conflicts. In the case of Korea, discourses of anti-multiculturalism are increasing, and even claims which encourage violence are found. Third, hate speech and incitement to discrimination are spreading around the Internet. Considering this situation, Korea also needs to prevent hate crimes by enacting a hate crime law. The hate crime law can reduce the expressive effects of hate crimes and provide a wide range of deterrence effects by conveying a social message that our society does not tolerate these crimes. The hate crime law also helps to restore victim`s confidence trust in society by forming a perception that such crimes must be punished, and reduces the anxiety about being a potential victim that group members who share a particular characteristic with victim may have.
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The Construction of Paradigm of Solidarity and Cooperation in Northeast Asia: Focusing on Transnational Justice Paradigm (2017.06)
- Author : Miyoun Baik
- Journal : Dongbuga Yeoksa Nonchong
- Publisher : Northeast Asian History Foundation
- Volume : 56
- Publication Date : June, 2017
- Abstract : This paper aims at constructing an alternative solidarity paradigm that can lead to the Northeast Asian cooperation and solidarity. For this purpose, this study starts with analyzing the specific solidarity values centering on the EU case as a transnational solidarity at the regional level. As a result of this analysis, I argue that the basic norms of existing solidarity-political, economic mutual benefit, cultural commonality-do not necessarily create sustainable solidarity. Furthermore, an alternative discourse of deliberative democracy, which is the deepening of institutional democracy, also has difficulties in providing motivation for a solidarity. Therefore, I propose a transnational justice paradigm as an alternative paradigm for constructing a realistic and sustainableNortheast Asian solidarity.
The transnational justice paradigm ⑴ understands dominations and subordinations of various types and dimensions as injustices, based on the perspective of the disadvantaged who undergo multidimensional – multilevel dominations and subordinations. ⑵ Adopting ‘standpoint of the disadvantaged, it forms numerous justice solidarity communities’ composed of different subjects of the demands and responsibilities of justices in various levels – local, national, regional, global levels.
⑶ The transnational justice is aimed at ‘equality of social status or social relation’, so it can be said that it is a norm to obtain ‘cross – cultural’ and universal validity. Moreover, since it emphasizes the ‘democratization’ of the process of justice debate, that is, the equal voice and influence of everyone subjected to the governance structure(s), it can provide a strong motive for solidarity. Based on transnational justice paradigm, Northeast Asian solidarities or East Asian solidarities are plausible. The Northeast Asian solidarity or community is not a single, static, fixed community, but rather that of fluid, ever – changing, This Northeast Asian solidarity community will be able to create cooperation and peace, functioning as a community that constantly engages in democratic dialogue and responsibility for justice.
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Searching for Possibilities of Praxis-oriented Politics: In the Context of Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Hermeneutical Humanism (2017.06)
- Author : Chi-won Choi
- Journal : Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sozialwissenschaften
- Publisher : Koreanisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft für Sozialwissenschaften
- Volume : 27(2)
- Publication Date : June, 2017
- Abstract : If politics is understood as a science, it is supposed to be the science based on natural sciences. The natural sciences aim at attaining the truth whose essence is repeatability, prediction, regularity and law, which completely get rid not only of man but also of the context of history, institutions, practices and language on the basis of which man lives. The politics, while it ceaselessly apes the manners of natural sciences, has lost its identity and it ability to reflect itself. It is thus necessary to reflect and recover the true meaning of the politics, in the light of the discipline which is different from natural sciences and which explores the questions of human, morals and social & historical phenomenon. This study explores the meaning of the politics by reconstructing moments of Gadamer’s hermeneutical humanism inherent in ‘Geisteswissenschaften’ and show that regarding the politics as science is like illusion or myth.
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