• Author : Gye-Won Jo
• Journal : Comparative Democratic Studies (CDS)
  
• Publisher : Inje Institute of Democracy and Autonomy
• Volume : Vol.16 No.2
• Date : 2020. 12

Abstract : The purpose of this study is to critically review the theoretical background of the village community projects that have recently been attracting attention as a new model of citizen politics. The village community projects are based on attempts to restore communities that have lost social ties and have been fragmented in social relationships based on the principle of participation, governance and autonomy. From the perspective of republican theory, three main arguments are presented while reviewing the village community project normatively. First, it is difficult to say that the increase of associations or the expansion of association networks lead to community building in itself. It is necessary to form civic friendship based on the norm of non-domination as a resource of social solidarity. Second, collaborative governance does not strengthen the democratic contestation of citizens if it do not raise the countervailing power within civil society. Because collaborative governance can work as an informal procedure that complements democratic legitimacy, the civic capacity to check public decisions and offer alternatives can be weakened. Third, rather than focusing on increasing participation itself, legal and institutional devices should be prepared to guarantee freedom as non-domination of citizens. It is primarily important to establish conditions of social equality so that citizens can interact with each other by looking at each other as equal beings. Furthermore, it is necessary to reduce social exclusion caused by socioeconomic inequality through various policies that can increase equality of access to public spheres.

• Author : Chi-Won, Choi
• Journal : Korean Political Science Review
  
• Publisher : The Korean Political Science Association
• Volume : Vol.54 No.5
• Date : 2020. 12

Abstract : First, the Structure of Weber’s thought is as multi-layered, divisive, and contradictory as the modern world he grasped. Second, if we understand “The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism” without considering Weber’s thoughts with these characteristics, we easily fall into the stereotype and prejudice that it is merely a pure academic work of a scholar. Third, the original text of Weber’s ‘The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism’ underwent several revisions. Thus the original text of 1904/05 and the text of 1919/20 have different meanings and purposes. Fourth, it seems that no one properly reads and grasps the meaning of the original text in the sense of multi-layered and contradictive Weber’s thought-structure: It is very important to understand the political motives contained in the original text as much as the academic motives of this work. Fifth, the background and intention of the birth of the original text, whose traces have been erased from the text of 1919/20, shows that it has written for a political education book rather than a pure academic research. In short, along with ‘Science as a Vocation’ and ‘Politics as a Vocation’, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism can be understood as political education book. If the former two works complete the political education work he declared in his inauguration speech, ‘Protestant Ethics and Capitalist Spirit’ is the starting work of this.

• Author : Chi-Won, Choi
• Journal : Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Sozialwissenschaften (ZdKDGS)
  
• Publisher : Koreanisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft Fuer Sozialwissenschaften(K-G Association For Social Sciences)
• Volume : Vol.30 No.4
• Date : 2020. 12

Abstract : There are two moments that shaped and characterized Weber’s life and thoughts. One was related to the special situation of his nation Germany, which faced the economic and political turning point, while the other was related to the universal existence of man. The former is embodied by the opinion from Weber as politician, and the latter by that from Weber as scholar. This duality, characterized by opposition and responsiveness, is first imprinted in his inaugural speech(1895). The method of Marx and Nietzsche plays a decisive role in Weber’s stance. The presentation that binds Weber as scholar and as politician is ‘Nation.’ From this, ‘Nation’s Political Education,’ as the final goal of science, emerges as an important immediate task. In ‘political education,’ science and politics meet each other. Its core is not related to the realization of the ‘ethical’, but of the clarification the ‘political’, restoring the true state of politics. In its primary sense, ‘political education’ is a means of overcoming Bismarck’s negative legacy and contributing to inner reunification of nation; in its broadest sense, it becomes a means of contributing to the formation of ‘political maturity’ (and therefore of ‘political judgment’ and ‘political will’). Therefore, this means is based on ‘freedom’, not force, and in this sense it is not merely a theory, but an essential presupposition of human practice. Weber’s idea, reflecting the special situation of the German ‘nation,’ has a universal value in this respect.

• Author : Sung Eun Kim & Krzysztof J Pelc
• Journal : International Studies Quarterly
  
• Publisher : Oxford University Press
• Volume : Online First
• Date : 2020. 12

Abstract : Dealing with the distributional consequences of trade liberalization has become one of the key challenges facing developed democracies. Governments have created compensation programs to ease labor market adjustment, but these resources tend to be distributed highly unevenly. What accounts for the variation? Looking at the largest trade adjustment program in existence, the US’ Trade Adjustment Assistance (TAA), we argue that petitions for compensation are largely driven by legislative attitudes. When legislators express negative views of TAA, individuals in their districts become less likely to petition for, and receive, compensation. This effect is especially pronounced in Republican districts. An underprovision of TAA, in turn, renders individuals more likely to demand other forms of government support, like in-kind medical benefits. We use roll-call votes, bill sponsorships, and floor speeches to measure elite attitudes, and we proxy for the demand for trade adjustment using economic shocks from Chinese import competition. In sum, we show how the individual beliefs of political elites can be self-fulfilling.

• Author : Hong-kyu Park
• Journal : 日本思想
• Publisher : Korean Association For Japanese Thought
• Volume : 39
• Date : 2020.12
• Abstract : After the defeat of Japan and the liberation of Korea in 1945, Korea-Japan relations have been gradually developed by the political action of political leaders for historical reconciliation, and Korea and Japan relations will continue to be renewed through another historical reconciliation. The first historical reconciliation was the normalization of diplomatic relations under the Korea-Japan Claims Agreement of 1965, and the second historical reconciliation was the Partnership Declaration of 1998. I call the former “Korea-Japan Reconciliation 1.0”, the latter “Korea-Japan Reconciliation 2.0”, and the third historical reconciliation in the future “Korea-Japan Reconciliation 3.0”. This treatise outlines the process of historical reconciliation between Korea and Japan since its liberation in 1945. Focusing on the time when the gradual transformation took place, I will deal with the philosophical foundations that underpin the historical reconciliation of each stage. What should be noted here is that from 1945 to the present, the philosophical foundation of historical reconciliation between Korea and Japan was “responsible reconciliation,” and political leader to implement Korea-Japan Reconciliation 3.0 in the future is required to have a new philosophical foundation called “inclusive reconciliation.”

• Author : Yooil Bae, Yong Wook Lee
• Journal : Journal of International Relations and Development
• Publisher : Springer
• Volume : 23(4)
• Date : 2020. 12
• Abstract  : Soft power debate has not analytically moved beyond the questions of whether soft power matters and of whether soft power can work independent of hard power since Nye’s initial formulation. Furthermore, the question of how a state selects the source(s) of its soft power remains silent in the literature. This neglect leads to the underspecification of the nature and content of a given state’s soft power policy. In this article, we fill in these gaps by recasting the conventional understanding of soft power conceptually and analytically. Conceptually, we make the case that soft power should be understood as a form of productive power for its conceptual and analytical distinction. On the basis of this reformulation, we specify an analytical framework that helps map out how a state determines the sources of its soft power. The crux of the framework is the notion of ‘dual process’ of international recognition and domestic self-identification mutually informing and reinforcing each other for the identification of a specific source of a given state’s soft power. We illustrate the analytical framework with an empirical example of South Korea’s launch and consolidation of its new ODA policy, Knowledge Sharing Program.

• Author : Byung-Kon Kim
• Journal : ZdkGDS
• Publisher : Koreanisch-Deutsche Gesellschaft Fuer Sozialwissenschaften
• Volume : 34(4)
• Date : 2020.11
• Abstract : The main theme of this thesis is a historical examination of the meaning of peace in the European intellectual history. Academic research and the practical pursuit of peace have existed for a long time. However, respectively different meanings and limitations have been shown with regard to the understanding of peace in each time period. Also, perceptions of peace before modern times were progressed with clear limitations at the very least. The ancient Greeks understood people to be beings that cannot live without politics and the state and they understood issues of peaceful living to be the meaning of harmonious living among fellow citizens who belong to the same polis and they were unable to achieve true consciousness related to issues of peace with outside countries. Perceptions of universal human peace became possible after cosmopolitanism was met with the collapse of the polis and the appearance of the Roman empire. Also, Stoa’s pacifism changed through Christianity. Full-scale and active pacifism appeared with the appearance of early Christianity. As it became established as a state religion during the middle ages, active pacifism was reexamined and just wars were once again accepted. Therefore, full-scale and strong pacifism was developed after modern times and particularly after the appearance of Johan Galtung. Galtung presented issues of active peace, which transcends the passive concept of a simple absence of conflict, based on an expansive understanding of violence. Also, Senghaas expanded the issue of peace by connecting it with civilization. Senghaas viewed that a civilized conflict resolution model used within a nation can be applied to international relations as well. To him, peaceful international order can be constructed through processes in which the similar national order of diverse regions supplement each other and become stabilized. Theories of peace in the 21st century are connected to feminism and ecologism and they are developing futuristically as they embrace gender issues, environment issues, issues of sustainability, and perceptions of civilization and culture.

• Author : Alexander Dukalskis & Hyung-Min Joo
• Journal : Europe-Asia Studies
• Publisher : Taylor & Francis
• Volume : Online first
• Date : 2020년 11월
• Abstract : This article examines the political consequences of widespread social changes in North Korea to illuminate how, if at all, shifts in everyday life influence the power of an autocratic government. Our study is based on 23 interviews with North Korean defectors in 2017 and supplemented by interviews conducted in previous years. The main finding is that social practices associated with marketisation, flows of information, and increased corruption have not yet provided the foundation for collective challenges to the regime. It is, however, also clear that official norms, rules, and institutions have been significantly weakened to adapt to new social realities.

• Author : Han Il Chang & Woo Chang Kang
  
• Journal : International Journal of Intercultural Relations
• Publisher : Pergamon-Elsevier Science
• Volume : 79
• Publication Date : November 2020
• Abstract : The effects of verbal accents on intergroup attitudes are well documented. This study aims to enrich our understanding by exploring how those effects vary according to the speaker’s gender and the political context. We conducted two online survey experiments in which South Korean citizens were randomly exposed to speakers exhibiting one of four accent conditions – South Korean male and female accents and North Korean male and female accents – a week before and two days after the 2018 Singapore summit between North Korea and the United States, in order to test hypotheses based on literatures from political science, social psychology and evolutionary biology. The results indicate that only exposure to a North Korean male accent, not a North Korean female accent, strengthened stereotypes about North Koreans among South Koreans prior to the summit. Further, this negative effect disappeared immediately after the summit.